ሕተት(Ask)!   እምቢ! ንሽርሓዊ  ፅምዶ! NoMore Eritreanization of Tigray!!   ነሓሰ 2017 ኣ.ግ

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ኣብ ወርሒ ሓደ ግዘ እንዳተሓትመት ትወፅእ ልሳን ውድብ ብሄረ ኣግኣዚ/ውብኣ/

መበል ዓሰርተ ሸውዓተ ሕታም 2017 ኣ/ግ

 

ውዳብ ብሄረ ኣግኣዚ (ውብኣ)

Agaezi National Union(ANU) Party

 

ቁፅሪ ስልኪ +4179 628 22 07

E-mail: voiceofgeezpeople@gmail.com

Website: www.anu-party.org

https://anu-party.org

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             ትሕዝቶ                                                      ገፅ

  1. መእተዊ…………………………………………………………………..4
  2. ፖለቲካዊ ፅምዶ ……………………………………………………….7
  3. ንምንታይ ምስ ሻዕቢያ ዘይንፃመድ ………………………………9
  4. ሽርሓዊ ፅምዶ ምስ ሻዕቢያ እንታይ ሳዕቤን ኣለዎ?………….11
  5. ፅምዶ ንኣዶ ትግራይ እንታይ እዩ? ……………………………..14
  6. ወሳኒ ፍታሕ……………………………………………………………30
  7. NoMore Eritreanization of Tigray !!……………………….36
  8. References…………………………………………………………..75

 

መእተዊ

 

ሓደ ህዝቢ ምስ ኩሎም ህዝብታት ብሓፈሻ፣ ምስ ጎረባብቱ ድማ ብፍላይ አብ ማዕርነት ዝተመስረተ ሕብረትንምሕዝነትን የድልዮ እዩ። ብፍላይ ድማ እቲ ንዘበናት ሓደ ዝነበረ ህዝቢ ኣግኣዚ ብዝተፈላለዩ ባዕዳውያንን ከምኡ ድማ ናይ ዓዲ ውሽጢ ገዛእትን ነቲ ዝነበሮ ሓድነት በቲኾም ኣብ ክልተ ሃገር ተኸፊሉ ክነብር ፈሪዶሙሉ እዮም። እዚ ሓደ ህዝቢ እዚ ግን ክሳብ መዓዝ ኣብ ክልተ ተመቒሉ ሓደ ነቲ ሓደ ከይተሓጋገዝ ዝተፈላለዩ ሽርሕታት እንዳተፈሓሱሉ ኣብ ኩናት ክነብር? ብስሩ እውን ክሳብ መዓዝ እዩ እዚ ኣብ ክልተ ዝተኸፈለ ህዝቢ ዘለዎ ፀጋታት ተፈጥሮን ሃፍትን በቶም ኣብ ክልተ ዝኸፈልዎ እንዳተወረረ ክነብር? እዚ ሓደ ህዝቢ እዚ ክሳብ መዓዝ ከ ከም ፀላኢ እንዳተጠማመተ ክነብር? እዚኣቶም ካልኦት ሕቶታት መልሲ ክወሃቦም ግድን እዩ።

ነዞም ልዕል ክብሉ ዝተገለፁ ሕቶታት ሓቀኛ መልሲ ሒዙ ዝተበገሰ ውድብ ብሄረ ኣግኣዚ እዩ። ውድብ ብሄረ ኣግኣዚ ካብቲ ብፖለቲካዊ ሽርሒ ዝተላዕጠጠ ሽርሓዊ ፅምዶ ህወሓትን ሻዕቢያን ዝበልፅ ኣብ ሓቀኛ መንነታዊ መሰረት ሽኻሉ ዝገበረ መቃለሲ ስነ ሓሳብ ሒዙ ኣብ ቃልሲ ይረባረብ ኣሎ።

ሓቀኛ ፅምዶ ምስቶም ኣሕዋትና ኤርትራውያን ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ ምስ ህዝብታት ዓፋር፣ አምሓራን ሓቢሩክሰርሕን ብሰላም ክነብርን ይግባእ። ሕብረቱ ድማ ንሰላም፣ ንዕብየትን ምዕባለን ዝዓለመ ክኸውን አለዎ።

ናይ ህወሓትን ሻዕብያን “ፅምዶ” ንምንታይ? ንሰላም ድዩ? ንንግዲ ድዩ? ወይስ ንኵናት? ህወሓትን ሻዕብያን መሳሰይቲ ፅምዶ ዘይኮኑስ ገበነኛታት ውድባት እዮም።

 

ሎሚ ብህወሓትን ሻዕቢያን ዝካየድ ዘሎ “ፅምዶ” ንኵናት እዩ። ስለዚ ሎሚ ክንሓቶ ዘለና ሕቶ እዚ ሎሚ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ፅምዶ ንኩናት ካብ ኮነ “ኵናት መዓዝ ውሒዱና?” በዚሑናኳ! ሰላምን ራህዋን እዩ ሓሪሙና ዘሎ ክንብል ኣለና።ንህዝብና ናብ ዳግም ኵናት ንምስዋር ዝፃመዱ ዘለዉ ሙዃኖም ክንፈልጥ ኣለና። እዚ ድማ ፀረ ድሌት ህዝብና እዮም ዝኸዱ ዘለዉ። አንፃር ረብሓ ህዝብና ዝኾነ ኩሉ ድማ አይድግፎን!

ንዕብየት ዝዓለመ “ምሕዝነት” ክልቲኡ ህዝቢ እምበር ሓዊ ኵናት ንምፅሕታር ዘንቀለ “ፅምዶ” ክልቲኦም ፀረ ህዝቢውድባት ክንድግፍ የብልናን!  እዚ ኪዳን ፅምዶ እዚ ታክቲካዊ ስለዝኾነ ዘላቒ ወይ ስትራተጂካዊ ኣይክኸውንን እዩ። ቀንዲ ትኹረቱ ኣብ ስልጣን ከመይ ጌርካ ትጸንሕ ዝብል እዩ። እዚ ምሕዝነት ፅምዶ እዚ ነቲ ህዝባዊ ጠለባት ከም ፍትሒ፡ ተሓታትነትን ምኽሓስን ነጺግዎ እዩ። ካብዚ ብምብጋስ ካልእ ኲናት ሕድሕድ እምበር ሰላም ምርካብ ኣይከኣልን እዩ። እቲ ዕንወት ምስ ዝሓለፉ 50 ዓመታት ዝመሳሰል (The Genocidal Eritreanization of Tigray) ኣብ ትግራይ ክኸውን እዩ። ብሚልዮናት ዝቑጸሩ ተጋሩ ክቕንጸሉን ናብ ወተሃደራዊ ባርነት ሳዋ ክግደዱን እዮም። ስለዚ እዞም ክልተ ሓይልታት ፈጺሞም ሰላም ኣይፈጥሩን እዮም። In short, the main purpose is to make Tigray a killing field and expand the Italian regime plan of Greater Eritrea that dismantls the Greater Geez Nation Hegemony and Civilization with its Red Sea as “Levine, D. N. (2014). Interpreting Ethiopia: Observations of five decades” explained it in detail.  ትግራይ ናይደም መሬት :- ኹሉ ነገሩ ደም ብደም ዋላ ሓንቲ ምልክት ልምዓት (ቖፅለዋይ) ዘይብሉ ህወሓት ንምንታይ ይመስለኩም?  ዶናልድ ሌቪን ዝተብሃለ ተመራማራይን መፅናዕታዊ ፀሓፍን “እዛ ትግራይ ትብሃል ናይ ደም መሬት (Killing field) ገይሮሙዋ መራሕቲ TPLF ይብል። ብሓቂ ናይ ደም መሬት ። ንኸልቢ፣ ብዕራይ፣ ድሙ፣ ጤል፣ ፈረስ ጥራሕ ዘይኮነቐይሕ መይሕ (ደም ብደም ዝለኽዩዎስ) ንቱ ኹሉ ነገር እዮም ከምዙይ ብደም ዝለኽዩዎ ዘለው። ንሕና ውድብ ብሔረኣግኣዚ / Agaezi National Union Party/ ግን ሕዚ እውን ንዛረብ ኣለና። ዓገብ ንበል፣ ንወደብ፣ ህዝብናን ዓድናን ነድሕንንብል ኣለና።

ትማሊ ንከልቡ ሽጉጥ ኣዕጢቑ፣ ባጃጅ ወይ ጋሪ መድፍዕ ከምዝኾነ ኣምሲሉ፣እታ እንባይ መን ይወርሳ እናበለ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ ዝወጸ መሪሕነት ህወሓት ግንባርቐደም ኣብ ውግእ ኣይተሳተፈን። ብድሕሪት እንታይ ኽሰርሕ ከምዝነበረ ይፍለጥእዩ።

 

ፖለቲካዊ ፅምዶ

ፖለቲካዊ ፅምዶ ማለት ኽልተ ወይ ካብ ኽልተ ንላዕሊ ሓይልታት ፖለቲካ ዕላምኦም ንምስዃዕን ረብሖኦም ንምርግጋፅንስትራቴጂካዊ ወይ ስልታዊ ናይ ሓባር ኣሰላልፋ ቃልሲ ምፍጣር ኽንብሎ ንኽእል ኢና። ፅምዶ ብዝተፈላለዩ ደፋእትንሰሓብትን ምኽንያታት ኽፍጠር ይኽእል እዩ። እቲ ምኽንያት ዝኾነ ይኹን ብዘየገድስ እቶም መፃምዲ ዝኾነ ረብሓከሕልው ወይ ኺሳራ ኽካፈሉ ግና ናይ ግድን እዩ። ፅምዶ ካብ ርዕዮተ ዓለም እውን ኽብገስ ይኽእል። ኮሚኒስት ሃገራትኮሚንዝም ናይ ዓለምና ስርዓት ንምግባር ብሓበር ኮሚኒዝም ይለምልም ኢሎም ፋይናንስ ገይሮም መስዋእቲ ኸፊሎም፣ሊበራል ዓድታት እውን ኸምኡ። ስለዚ ዓለም ትምራሕ ፣ ትፍራሕን ትሕመስን ብፅምዶ እዩ።

ኣብ ዓለም ብዙሓት ፖለቲካዊ ፅምዶታት ተራእዮም ኽሳዕ ሐዚ እውን ይርኣዩ እዮም። ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ፅምዶ እቲ ዋናምኽንያት መብዛሕትኡ ግዘ ካብ ድፍኢት ዝብገስ እዩ። ናይቲ ፅምዶ ዋና መበገሲ ናይ ሓበር ፀላኢ ንምፍርራሕንንምውቃዕን ዝዓለመ እዩ። ፀላኢኻ ሓቢርካ ብምምካት ስግኣትካ እተወግደሉ ስልቲ እዩ። ኣብ ዓለምና ካብ ዝተርኣዩዓበይትን ጉልሃንን ፅምዶታት ምጥቃስ እውን ይከኣል እዩ። ኣብ ቀደማይ ኩናት ዓለም ሰዓራይ ኮይነን ዝወፃ ሃገራት ካብብጀርመን ዝምራሕ ሴንትራል ፓወርስ ዝመፅእ ሓደጋ ንምዕጋት ኣላይድ ኔሽንስ (ዪናይትድ ኪንግዶም፣ ፈረንሳይ ፣ ራሽያን) ዝብሃል ፅምዶ ቀዲመን ምፍጣረን ዝመፀ ዋና ዓቕሚ ብዝፈጠረኦ እዩ። ተነሓናሕተን እውን ዋላ ‘ኳ ፅምዶእንተፈጠራ ክዕወታ ግና ኣየኽኣለንን። ካብዚ እንግንዘቦ ፅምዶ ስለዝፈጠርካ ጥራሕ ትዕወት ማለት ከምዘይኮነ እዩ።

ናብ ኢትዮጵያ እንተመፂእና እውን ፅምዶ ህወሓት ሻዕብያን ምርኣይ ይከኣል። ፈለማ ኣብ ከባቢኦም ዝነበሩ ሓይልታትኣብ ምጥፋእ ብሓባር ተሰሊፎም። ንኣብነት ምድምሳስ ምንቅስቓሳት ግገሓት፣ ኢድዩ፣ ጀብሃን ኢህአፓን ካልኦትንካብዚኦም ምልዓል ይከኣል እዩ። ድሓር ድማ ዋላ ፖለቲካዊ መትከሎም ዓብዪ ፍልልያት ይንበሩ ኹሎም ፍልልያት ትሕቲስርዓት ደርጊ እዮም ብምባል ስትራቴጂክ ፅምዶ ፈጢሮም። ነዙይ ድማ ተጋደልቲ ህወሓት ኣብ መላእ ኤርትራተዋጊኦም፣ ኣዋጊእም፣ ሰንኪሎምን ተሰዊእምን ተቓለስቲ ህግደፍ ድማ ኸምኡ። ድፋዕ ከይፈለዩ ሓንቲ ሽርጥተኸዲኖም ተቓሊሶም እንትስውኡ ድማ ከይተፈላለዩ ኣብ ሓንቲ መቓብር ከይተፈላለዩ ዓሪፎም።

ስለዚ ፅምዶ ዝነበረ፣ ዘሎን ዝህሉን ቀንዲ መረጋገፂ ረብሓ ሃገራትን ሓይልታትን እዩ። ዋላ እኳ ፅምዶ ኣድላዩ እዩእንተበልና እንታይ ሒዝካ ትፅመድ፤ ኣብቲ ፅምዶ ግደኻ እንታይ እዩ፤ ካብቲ ፅምዶ እትረኽቦ ዓስቢ እንታይ እዩ፤መፃምድኻ እንታይ ሒዙ ይፅመድ፤ ካባኻ ዝደልዮ እንታይ እዩ ዝብሉ ኽምለሱ ኣለዎም። ብዋናነት ድማ ዝኾነ ሓይሊእንትፀምድ ኣብ ድርድር ዝኣትውን ዘይኣትውን ረብሓታቱ ኽንፅር ይግባእ። መፃምዱ ድማ ኣብ ድርድር ንዘይኣትውረብሓታት ኸምዘለው ተቐቢሉ ኣብ ድርድር ንዝኣትው ረብሓታት ድማ ፍትሓዊ ርድኢት ኽወስድ ይግባእ። ንኣብነትሐዚ ብዘሉናዮ ብርኪ ጉዳይ መሰል ዓርሰ ውሳነ፣ ግዝኣታዊ ሓድነትን ኣፍልጦ ዘርኢ-ምጥፋእን ኣግኣዝያን ኣብ ድርድርዘይኣትው ረብሓታት ሃገርና እዮም። እዚኦም ምስ ዘይቅበል ፈፂምካ ኽትፀምድ ኣይብልካን። ኣብ ድርድር ዝኣትውረብሓታት ድማ ምስረታ ሃገረ ኣግኣዚ፣ ምጥንዃር ሰራዊት ኣግኣዝን ተወሳኺ ግዝኣት ምስፋሕን ባሕሪ ኣቦታትና ምምላስን ወዘተ ክኾኑ ይኽእሉ እዮም። ኣብ ድርድር ዝኣትው ረብሓታት ማለት ዘይንግደሰሎም ማለት ኣይኮነን ኮታደኣስ ዘይምህላወም ዘምፀአልና ጉድኣት ዘይህልየሉ ዕድል እንተተፈጢሩ ማለት እዩ። ንኣብነት ጉዳይ ሃገረ-ምስረታእንደራደረሉ ኢትዮጵያ ዴሞክራሳያዊት ሃገር እትኾነሉ ዕድል እንተሃልዩ ማለት እዩ። ጉዳይ ህላወ ሰራዊት ኣግኣዚእንትንደራደር ድማ ምድረ ኣግኣዚ ካብ ፃሕተርቲ ኲናት ዝሕልው ውሕስ ሓይሊ እንተተፈጢሩ ማለት እዩ። ተወሳኺግዝኣትና ምስ ባሕሩ ዘውሕስ ሓይሊ እንተተረኺቡ ድማ በለፀ። ኸምዚ ዓይነት ኹነታት ኣብ ዘይከኣለሉን ህልውና ኣብሓደጋ ኣብ ዝኣተወሉን ግና ኹሉ ገዲፍካ ህልውና ምስ ዘረጋግፅ ስልታዊ ፅምዶ ትገብር።

 

ትግራይ ትማሊ ብዝጨፍጨፍዋ ሰለስተ ፀላእቲ ሓይልታት ተኸቢባ ኣላ። ናይ ብልፅግናን ህወሓትን ሻዕብያን ምትፍናን ተመልኪትና ምስዞም ሰለስተ ገበነኛታት ፖለቲካዊ ፅምዶ ምግባር እቲ ኣዝዩ ዝገደደ ገበን እዩ ዝኸውን። ምኽንያቱ ድማ እዞም ሰለሰት ውድባት ተሻሪኾም ብዝፈጠርዎ ኩናት ልዕሊ ሓደ ሚሊየን ህዝቢ ስኢና ሃፍትን ንብረትን ህዝብና ተወሪርና ኢና። ብሓፈሻ እዞም ስለስተ ውድባት መፃምድትና ዘይኮኑስ ኣብ መጋበያ ዓለም ቀሪቦም ክሕተቱ ዝግበኦም ውድባት እዮም። ነዚ ድማ እዮም ብስርዓት ገበኖም ተሓታትነት ክሒዶም መዓልታዊ ሕብረተሰብና ከደናግሩ፣ ዘሳቕዩ፣ ዘድክዩ፣ ዝጭፍጨፉ ዘለዉ።

 

ንምንታይ ምስ ሻዕቢያ ዘይንፃመድ

ሻዕቢያ ካብ ተፈጥርኡ ኣትሒዙ ምስ ህወሓት ሽርክና መስሪቱ ህዝብና ክሃልቅ ዝገበረ፣ ምስ ህወሓት ኮይኑ ብዝሰርሖ ሽርሒ መሬትነና ቆሪሱ ሓደ ህዝቢ ኣግኣዚ ዝኾና ኣብ ክልተ ሃገራት ተመቒልና ክንነብር ዝገበረ ታሪኻዊ ፀላኢና እዩ።

 

ሻዕቢያ ደጋፊ ብማሕበረሰብ ግዕዝናን መራሕትናን ጠቕሊሎም ዝተሳዕሩ ግብጽን ጣልያንን እያ:: ተልእኾታታ ኩሉ ግዜ ካብ ግብጽን ጥልያንን ኢዩ። ቀይሕ ባሕርና ወሲድካ ምድረ-ባሕሪ ከም ዘይትኣቱ ምግባር ካብ ተልእኾታት ግብጽን ጥልያንን እዩ።ኣብ 30 ዓመታት ኲናት ኤርትራ ኣንጻር ኢትዮጵያ፡ ውጽኢቱ፡ ልዕሊ 2 ሚልዮን ህይወት ተጋሩ ንናጽነት ኤርትራ ከሲሩ።

 

ሻዕቢያ ኣብ 1990 ኣ.ግ ብሰንኪ መራሕቲ ሻዕቢያን ህወሓትን ዝፈጠርዎ ሽርሒ ኩናት ተወሊዑ ብዙሕ ህዝቢ ተጎዲኡና። እዚ ከይኣክል ድማ ኣብ 2013 ኣ.ግ ሕዚ እውን መራሕቲ ህወሓት ብዝሰርሕዎ ሽርሒ ሱሉስ ኩርናዕ ኩናት ተኸፊቱ ሕዚ እውን ልዕሊ ሓደ ሚልየን ህዝቢ ተጎዲኡና።

 

እምበኣር ሎሚ እውን እዞም ህውከት እንዳፈጠሩ ምንባርን ህይወት ህዝብና እንዳጥፍኢ ሃፍትን ንብረትን እንዳወረሩ ዝነብሩ ገበናኛታት ውድባት ሕዚ እውን ካሊእ ሽርሒ ፍሒሶም በብዘለዉዎ ኮይኖም መግለፅታት ኩናት ኣብ ምውፃእ ተፀሚዶም ኣለዉ።

 

ነዚ ሽርሒ እዚ ቀንዲ መራሕቲ ዝኾኑ ሻዕቢያን ህወሓትን ድማ ብስም ፅምዶ እቲ ሓደ ዝኾነ ህዝቢ ኣራኺብና መሊስና ኩናት ብምውላዕ ንጥፍኣዮ ዝብል ትልሚ ሓንፂፆም ብሸነኽ ኢትዮጵያ ዓሰብ ዝብል ተደጋጋሚ መግለፅን ምድላዋት ኩናት ክግበር ትልሚ እንትሕንፅፁ ብወገኖም ድማ ነቲ ብኢትዮጵያ ዝኽፈት ኩናት ንህዝቢ ኤርትራን ንህዝቢ ትግራይን ዘጥፍእ እዩ እሞ ንዑ ንፃመድ ኢሎም ተንኮል ተሊሞም በቶም ኣፈኛታቶም ኣክቲቪስታት ዝብልዎም ኣወል ስዒድን ብርሃነ ገ/ገርግስ (ሰብ ዝስኣነ ሰብ) ገይሮም ካብ ዛላንበሳ ጀሚሮም ኣብ ኣብዝሓ ናይ ዶብ ክልቲኡ ሃገር ዝርከባ ከተማታት ክልቲኡ ህዝቢ ክራኸብ ይገብሩ ኣለዉ። ንሕና ኣንጻር ማሕበረሰብ ንማሕበረሰብ (ህዝቢ ንህዝቢ) ርክብን ሰላማዊ ዝምድናን ኣይኮንናን። እዚ ግን ብሓይሊ ንኻልእ ምጽናት ዓሌት ዝፈጥር ኲናት ሓድሕድ  እዩ።

 

ሽርሓዊ ፅምዶ ምስ ሻዕቢያ እንታይ ሳዕቤን ኣለዎ?

 

እቲ ቀንዲ ተሊሞሞ ዘለዉ ሽርሒ ድማ ናይ ትግራይ ሓይሊ ምስ ሻዕብያ እንተፀሚዱ ናይ ትግራይ ዋና ኣብርክቶዝኸውን ተዋጋኣይ ሰራዊትን መዋግኢ ሜዳን ምዃን ከምዝኾነ ፀሓይ ዝወቐዕኦ ሓቂ እዩ። ካብ ሻዕብያ ድማ ሰራዊቱ ድንበር ጥሒሱ ምእታው ኸም ዘሎ ኾይኑ ብዋናነት ከበድቲ ተተኮስቲ ምእታው እዩ። ነዚኣ ምስጢር ገይሮምዋ ፀኒሖም ሕዚ ግና መራሒ ህወሓት ዝኾነ ደብረፅዮን ከም ኣውንታ ቆፂሩ ኣብ ሚዲያ ቀሪቡ ብሰሜን ዝወቕዐና ሓይሊ የለን ክብል ገሊፁ ኣሎ። ፅምዶ ህወሓትን ሻዕብያን ንጥፍኣትና እምበር ንህዝብና ንምድሓን ዝግበር ፅምዶ ኣይኮነን። እቲሓቂ ናይዚ ፅምዶ ጎብለል እውን ሻዕብያ እዩ ድልየቱ ድማ ንህወሓት ሓሽከር ገይሩ ኢኮኖሚ ኢትዮጵያ ኽብዝብዝ እዩ።

 

ሽርሓዊ ፅምዶ ምስ ሻዕቢያ ተሓታትነት፣ ፍትሕን ምግሃስን ንምውጋድ ወይ ንምግዳፍ (make Sheabia clean by avoiding accountability, justice and repraisal) እዩ:: መንእሰይ ትግራይ ናብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ናይ ምህዳም (migration) ዕድል ፈጺሙ ኣይክህልዎን እዩ። እዞም መንእሰያት ንወተሃደራዊ ታዕሊምን ባርነትን ናብ ሳዋ ክውሰዱ እዮም። ዝኾነ መንእሰይ ትግራይ ንኣዲስ ኣበባ ክሃድም ዝፈተነ ልክዕ ከምቲ ንኤርትራውያን ኣብ ከባቢ ራያ ዒላማ ብምግባር ብጥይት ክተኮስ እዩ። ብዙሓት መናእሰይ ትግራይ ንስደትን ክፍሊ ኣካላቶምን ንዘይሕጋዊ ምስግጋር ደቂ ሰባት (Human trafficking) ክቃልዑ እዮም።

 

ቁፅሮም ዘይነዓቕ ምሁራትን ፖለቲከኛታትን ትግራይ ዒላማ ብምግባር ክቕንፀሉ እዮም። ኢንተርኔትን ካልኦት መራኸቢ ብዙሃንን ከም ኤርትራ ክዕጸዉ እዮም።ኩሉ ሰብ ክትትል ክግበረሉ እዩ ሃብታም እውን ከይተረፈ ገንዘቡ ኣይቆፃፀርን እዩ።ተፈጥሮኣዊ ሃፍቲ ትግራይ ኣብ ኢድ ኤርትራውያን ክኸውን እዩ። ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ተጋሩ ብኤርትራውያን ብጾታዊን ሞራልን ግህሰት ክበጽሓ እየን። ኤርትራውያን ወነንቲ ትግራይ ክኾኑ እዮም እዚ ድማ ንኤርትራዊነት (Forceful and Systematic Eritreanization of Tigray) ትግራይ ደረጃ ብደረጃ ዘመቻችእ እዩ።

እዚ ምሕዝነት ፅምዶ እዚ ትግራይ ንኤርትራውነት  (Eritreanization of Tigray) ብዋጋ ሚልዮናት ንጹሃት ሂወት ተጋሩ ንምድጋፍ እዩ። ካብ መጀመርታ ህወሓት ብሚልዮናት ዝቑጸሩ ምሁራትን ለባማት ዓበይቲ ዓዲ ተጋሩ ህወሓት ኣብ ጫካይጭፍጨፉ። ኣብ ታሪኽ ህወሓት ቀንዲ ዝተቐንጸሉ ፖለቲካውን ወተሃደራውን መራሕቲ እቶም ንኤርትራዊነት ዝቃወሙእዮም። ገሰሰ ኣየለ ወይ ሰሑል፡ ኣጋእዚ፡ ሙሴ፡ ሓበኖም፡ ጀነራል ሓየሎም፡ ጀነራል በርሀ፡ ጀነራል ሰዓረ ፡ ጀነራል ወዲነቾ፡ጀነራል ኣብርሃ  ወዘተ።  ይኹን እምበር ምሉእ ኤርትራውያንን ፍርቂ ኤርትራውያንን ኣብ ታሪኽ ህግደፍ ተቐንጺሎም ኣይፈልጡን። ንኣብነት ስብሓት ነጋ፡ ግደይ ዘራጽዮን፡ መለስ ዜናዊ፡ ብርሃን ገብረክርስቶስ፡ ፈሰሃ ኣስገዶም፡ ተኽለወይኒ ኣሰፋ፡ ቴድሮስ ሓጎስ፡ ኣባዲ ዘሙ፡ ደብረጽዮን ገብረሚካኤል፡ ሞንጆሪኖ፡ ኣባይ ወልዱ፡ በረኸት ስምኦን፡ የማነ ጀማይካ፡ ተስፋይ ገብረኣብ ወዘተ።

ሕጂ ኣብ ከባቢ ራያ ኣይ ኩናት ኣይ ሰላም ፖሊሲ (No peace no war policy) ይውደብ ኣሎ፡ ኣብ መስርሕ ዓባይ ኤርትራ(Greater Eritrea that swallowed Tigray and Afar region) ይገብር ኣሎ። ኣብይ ኣሕመድ ናይ ፒፒ ነዚ Eritreanization ናይ ትግራይእውን ይደፍኦ ኣሎ። ሓያሎ ሰበስልጣን ካብ ፒፒ ከም ሃገራዊ ምክልኻል ኮማንድ፣ ከንቲባ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ትግራይ ካብ ኢትዮጵያክትፍለ ከምዘለዋ ይእውጁ ኣለው። ነዚ እዩ ድማ ANU ፒፒ ትደፍእ ኣላ ሸዓብያ ድማ ንትግራይ ትስሕብ ኣላ ክልቲኡ ብማዕረ ንሓባራዊ ዕላማኦም (This is why ANU predicted that PP is pushing and Sheabia is pulling for Tigray both in parallel for their common purpose of Greater Eritrea and Greater Oromia formation both Anti-Geez Civilization of Greater Agaezi with its Red Sea) ሥሉሥ ዂርናዕ ሽርሓዊ ፀነተ ዝብል ኣቐዲሙ ዝተንተኖ ።

ፅምዶ ምስ መን:- ፈለማ ፅምዶ እቲ ዝበለፀ ሕርያ ድዩ ኣይኮነን? ምስ መን ከ ትፀምድ ፣ ወዘተ ዝብሉ ጉዳያትመዕለቢ መልሲ የድልዮም። ዋና ናይቲ ፅምዶ ምህላውን ዘይምህላውን ከምኡ እውን መፃምድኻ ምምራፅንንኣግኣዝያን ብዘምፀኦ ውፅኢት ረብሓ እዩ። ኣግኣዚያን መፃምዲ ኽነናዲ ኣድላዪ እንተደኣኾይኑ ፈለማ ውሽጣዊሓድነትና ኽነረጋግፅ ይግባእ። ውሽጣዊ ሓድነት እንተዘይሃልዩና ፀመድና ኣይፀመድና፣ ቖሰልና ተሰዋእና ንኮንቱ እዩ።

ሓድነትና ዝረጋገፅን ዝሕሎን ድማ ፍትሓዊ ረብሓ ኣግኣዝያን ብምውሓስ፣ ንፁር ኣንፈት ቃልሲ ብምሕንፃፅ፣ ገባታይኣተሓሳስባ ብምፍሻል፣ ሓድሽ ወለዶ ዋና መራሕን ቐላሳይን ቓልሲ ብምግባርን ካልኦት ሓድነትና ካብ ዝዘርጉምንቅስቓሳት ዓርስና ብምግላልን እዩ።  ቀፂሉ ድማ ኣብ ቀረባ ዝርከቡ መማረፅቲ ሓይልታት ምፍላይ የድሊ። ብቑረባናሓይልታት ኣምሓራ እንተሪኢና እቲ ዝሓሸ ሓይሊ ዝበሃል ንባዕሉ ኣምሓራ ፋኖ እናበለ ዝፅውዕ ዕጥቃዊ ቃልሲ ዘካይዱዘሎ ሓይሊ ኣሎ። ኣምሓራ ፋኖ ብስትራተጂካዊ መንገዲ ምስ ዕጫና፣ ናይ ሓባር ባህልናን ታሪኽናን ዝተኣሳሰሩ እዮም። ስለዚ እዚ ብጽቡቕ ክምዕብል ኣለዎ። ምስ እዚ ድማ ብተወሳኺ ከም ዕጡቃት ወልቃይት፣ ቅማት፣ ኣገውን ዓፋርምን ተዘራሪብካ ዘለና ኣፈላላይ ብምፅባብ ነቲ ሓቀኛ መንነት ህዝቢ ኣግኣዝን ከምኡ ድማ ግዝኣት ኣግኣዝያን ምስ ባሕሩ ብዝግባእ ፈሊጦም ምሳና ብሓባር ዝነብሩሉን ሃፍተ ገነትና ብሓደ እንጥቀመሉን ባይታ ምምችቻው ይከኣል።

ካሊእ መማረፂ ክኸውን ዝኽእል ብርጌድ ንሓመዱ እዩ። ኣብዚ ከም ኣወንታ ዝውሱደ ኣባላት ብርጌድ ንሓመዱፈተውቲ ኣግኣዝያን (ትግራይ) ምዃኖምን ኣብ ዓፀባ ተፈቲኖም ዘይከሓዱን እዮም። ይኹን ደኣ ‘ምበር እቲ ዘሎ ኹነታትምስ ብርጌድ ንሓመዱ ንምፅማድ ካብቲ ዘለናዮ ሽግር ብቑልጡፍ ኸውፀአና ግዜ ክወስድ ይኽእል እዩ። ምኽንያቱብርጌድ ንሓመዱ መቃለሲ ባይታ ዘይብሉን ኣብ ስደት ዝነብርን ስምዒታዊ መንእሰይ እዩ። ካብ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ ሓሊፉዓርሲ ኽኢሉ ናብ ባይታ ወሪዱ ርኡይ ተቓላሳይ ውዳበ ተዝኸውን ዝበለፅ ምኾነ ነይሩ። ፍኖተ-ካርታ ኣዳልዮም ብፖለቲካዊ መዳይ ክውደቡ ብተደጋጋሚ ሓሳብ ኣቕሪብናሎም ኢና፡ ይኹን እምበር ሕጂ’ውን ፈሺሎም ኣለዉ። ስለዚ ኣብ ከምዚ ዝበለ ዘይተወደበን ዘይንጹርን ተቓውሞ ክንጥንቀቕ ኣለና።

ፅምዶ ንኣዶ ትግራይ እንታይ እዩ?

  1. ዓሚፁ ሓፅን ኣብ ማህፀና ኣእተዩ ምስ ዘሳቐያ ናይ ሻዕብያ ወታደር ሓዳር ምግባር ማለት እዩ።
  2. ወዳን ስብኣያን ኣብ ቅድምኣ ምስ ዝቐተለላ ኣረመነ ሻዕብያ ሓዳር ምግባር እዩ።
  3. ጓላ ኣብ ቅድሚኣ ምስ ዝዓመፀ ጨካን ሻዕብያ ሓዳር ምግባር ማለት እዩ።
  4. ጣፍ፣ ስርናይ ምስ ሓመድ ሓዉሱ ድራር ምሽት ዘይብላ ምስ ዘትረፍ ድያብሎስ ሻዕብያ ሓዳር ምግባር ማለት እዩ።
  5. ቤተ ክሪስታያና ኣቃፅሉ ሃይማኖታ ምስ ዘራኸሰ ክፉእ ፍጥረት ሻዕብያ ሓዳር ምግባር ማለት እዩ።
  6. ፅምዶ ማለት ንኣዶ ትግራይ ሰብኣይኪ፣ ደቂኺ፣ ኣሕዋትኺ ኣብ ቅድመኺ ቀቲለ ፣ ንባዕልኺ ዓሚፀ ተዋሪድኺ ማስክተሸፊንኺ ክትነብሪ ብምግባረይ ዋላ ሓንቲ ኣየጣዕሰኒን ምስ ዝበላ ጨካን ዘይሰብ ፍጥረት ሻዕብያ ሓዳር ግበሪ ማለትእዩ።

ስለዚ ፅምዶ ናይቲ ኣብ ዓለም ሕሉፍ ዉርደተኛ ዝኮነ ጉጅለ ህወሓት እምበር ናይ ኣዶ ትግራይ ክኾን ኣይኽእልን። ኣብ 50 ዓመቱ ንህዝቢ ትግራይ ፈታዊ ኮይኑ ዘይፈልጥ ሻዕብያን ኣብ 50 ዓመቱ ንህዝቢ ትግራይ ብኩናት ዘፅነተ ወንጀለኛ ጉጅለህወሓትን ፅምዶ እዩ።

ሻዕብያ ካብ መሬት ትግራይ ለቂቁ ዝባሃል ሓሶት ጥራሕ እዩ ዘይኮነስ ብግልባጡ ኣብ ሽረ መብዛሕተአን ከባብታት ካብዝነበሮ መሬት ትግራይ ወሲኩ ንውሽጢ ዝኣተወለን ከባብታት ከምዘለዋ ነበርቲ ኣብ ዝሕብሩሉ ገለ ኣብ ዕዳጋ ውልቃዊጥቅሚ ዝዋዓሉን ዝተፀመዱ ተጋሩ ግን ሻዕብያ ንስለ ፅምዶ ኢሉ ካብ ሒዝወን ዝነበረ ግዝኣታት ትግራይ ወፂኡ ኢሎምክዛረቡን ብሽም ግዝቢ ክባጭዉን ካብ ምርኣይ ንላዕሉ ዘሕዝን ነገር የለን። ንናይ ህግደፍ ሽርሕታት :- ፅምዶ ዝቃወሙሰባት ምፍርራሕን ደረጃታቱን ካበይ ናበይ እዩ ከ? ዓፋናይነትን ባህሪ ህግደፍ ኣብ ትግራይ ንምንታይ ተደልዩ ? ባዓል ዋና ናይፅምዶ መን ምክያኑ ነፂሩ ዶ? ንምንታይ ዕላማ ከፃሙዱና ይሓስቡ ከምዘለዉ? ስርዓት ብልፅግና ነዚኣ ከመይ መዝሚዙ ናብዲፕሎማስያዊ ጥቅሙ ክቅይራ ይክእል? ኣብ ትግራይ ከ መን እዩ ብድሕሪት መጋረጃ ተፀመድቲ ሰባት ዝዋሳእ ዘሎ? ካብኤርትራ ምስ ምዕፍስን ተታሓሒዙ ታይ እዩ ልምዲ ክወሰድ ተደልዩ ዘሎ?  ኣብ ጭላንጭል ሃዋሃው ከይዲ ዲሞክራሲትግራይ ታይ ፅዕንቶ ከሕድር ይክእል? ስለዚ ትግራይ ካብዚ ዘይቅዱስ ፅምዶ ከመይ ትድሓን ከመይ ከ ምስ ጎረባብታ ሰላማውርክብ ትፍጠር? እቲ ትክክለኛ ርክብ ህዝቢ ንህዝቢ ዳኣ ከመይ እዩ ክከውን ዘለዎ ብከመይ እዩ ከ ክምራሕ ዘለዎ? ወዘተዝብሉ ኣርእስትታት ምልዓል ::

ሻዕብያ 12 ሰነ 2025 ኣብ ዓምዲ ሓዳስ ኤርትራ ጋዜጣ ኣብ ዘውፀአቶ ፁሑፍ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝገበረቶ ገበን ከምዘየለ ብ ወግዒገሊፃ ኣላ።ብ ተወሳኺ ትግራይ ሃገር ክትከውን ከምዘይተፍቅድ ውን ገሊፃ ኣላ። እቶም ፅምዶ ዝብሉ ዘለው ውልቀሰባት ተጋሩውን ነዚ ተቐቢሎም ኢዮም ከም ብዕራይ ዝፅመዱ ዘለው ክንደይ ግዜ ውን ተዛሪብና ኢና ሻዕብያ ብርጌድ ንሓመዱ ትግራይከይኣቱ ለውጢ ከይመፅእ ን ትግራይ ክትጥቀመላ ብተወሳኺ ካብ ኣቢ ክመፃ ዝኽእል ኩናት ውን ን ትግራይ ባፎር ዞንንምግባር መዋፅኦ ዝኾና ንጥቕማ ክትፃመድ ደልያ እምበር ሓልዮት ህዝቢ ትግራይን ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ባህጊ ሰላምንከምዘይብላስ ኣንዳዕዲዕና ንፈልጥ ኢና።

 

ኣባላት ጋንታ ፅምዶ:- 40 ድሕሪ ተወላይን ብርሃነን ኣብ ቀፃሊ ኣብቲ ብሉፅ ኦፔራ ድራማ ፅምዶ ኣስመራ እንሪኦምገፀ-ባህሪያት እዞም ዝስዕቡ እዮም።

ጋዜጠኛታት፣ ኣክቲቪስትታትን ምሁራትን፦

  1. ሃይለ ኣረፋይነ
  2. ብስራት ከበደ
  3. ዳዊት ከበደ
  4. ፈታዊ ለውጢ (ኣንገሶም)
  5. ባሻ ደስታ
  6. ኣባዲ ገብረስላሰ
  7. ኣብርሃ ተኽሉ
  8. ኣወጠሀኝ ብርሃነ
  9. መድሃንየ ግደይ
  10. ኣማኑኤል ጌታቸው
  11. ጋረድ ሓጎስ

 

  1. ኣፈወርቂ ገ/ህይወት
  2. ወ/ምህረት ገዛኢ
  3. ዮናታን ግዛቸው
  4. ያሬድ በርሀ
  5. ሰናይት መብራህቱ

ፖለቲከኛታትን ወታሃደራዊ መራሕትን፦

  1. ኪዳነ ኣመነ
  2. ዶሪ ኣስገዶም
  3. ክንፈ ገ/ዮውሃንስ
  4. ወልደሥላሤ ወልደሚካኤል
  5. ሞንጆሪኖ
  6. ኣማኔኤል ኣሰፋ
  7. ደብረፅዮን
  8. ተኽላይ ገ/መድህን
  9. ዶ/ር ተስፋፂዮን
  10. ዶ/ር ሰሎሞን
  11. ፍስሃ ሃብተፅዮን
  12. ኣማኑኤል ሞጎጎ
  13. ስብሓት (ብሂወት ተፀኒሑ)
  14. ወዲ እንበይተይ
  15. ፍስሃ ማንጁስ
  16. ምግበይ ሃይለ
  17. ማሾ በየነ
  18. ገብረ ዓዴት
  19. ወዲ ገቲራ (ኤርትራዊ እዩ)
  20. ወዲ ባቤ
  21. ጠርጣራው ስቡሕ

ዝተረፉ መዳመቕቲ፦

  1. ጎዲፋይ ጥላሁን
  2. ኣረጋይ ብዕራይ
  3. ፋና ተኽላይ
  4. Tekle H. . . . ዝረሳዕኹዎም ወስኹ።” 

   ኹሎም ደቂ ሓንቲ ኸባቢ (ዓድዋ) እዮም። ንምንታይ ኻብ ሓንቲ ወረዳ ዓድዋ ብፍሉይ ምሥቲ ጨፍጫፍንጀኖሣይድ ዝፈፀመልናን ሻዕብያ ይፅመዱ ኣለው ዝብል ሕቶ ኽለዓልን መልሢ ኽረክብን ናይግድን ይኸውን።

  ህዝቢ ትግራይ ምስ ኩሎም ህዝብታት ብሓፈሻ፣ ምስ ጎረባብቱ ድማ ብፍላይ አብ ማዕርነት ዝተመስረተ ሕብረትንምሕዝነትን የድልዮ እዩ። ምስ ህዝብታት ዓፋር፣ አምሓራን ኤርትራን ሓቢሩ ክሰርሕን ብሰላም ክነብርን ይግባእ።ሕብረቱ ድማ ንሰላም፣ ንዕብየትን ምዕባለን ዝዓለመ ክኸውን አለዎ። ናይ ህወሓትን ሻዕብያን “ፅምዶ” ንምንታይ? ንሰላም ድዩ? ንንግዲ ድዩ? ወይስ ንኵናት? ህወሓትን ሻዕብያን ንህዝቢ ትግራይን ኤርትራን ፅቡቅ ዝሓስቡእንተኾይኖም ክልቲኦም ውድባት ተዓሪቆም ካብ ከባቢ ዶባት ርሒቆም ህዝቢ ተሓዋዊሱ ወፊሩ ነጊዱ ንክኣቱንብሓባር ንክዓብን የፍቅድሉ። “ፅምዶ” ንኵናት? ኵናት መዓዝ ውሒዱና? በዚሑናኳ! ሰላምን ራህዋን እዩ ሓሪሙናዘሎ። ንህዝብና ናብ ዳግም ኵናት ንምስዋር ዝፃመዱ እንተኾይኖም ፀረ ድሌት ህዝብና ይኸዱ አለው ማለት እዩ። አንፃርረብሓ ህዝብና ዝኾነ ኩሉ ድማ አይንድግፎን! ንዕብየት ዝዓለመ “ምሕዝነት” ክልቲኡ ህዝቢ እምበር ሓዊ ኵናትንምፅሕታር ዘንቀለ “ፅምዶ” ክልቲኦም ፀረ ህዝቢ ውድባት አይንድግፍን!

ሻዓብያ ዕለት 28/10/2017 ዓ.ም ኣብ ወረዳ ኢሮብ ተወሰኽቲ ቦታታት ትግራይ ወሪሩ ኣሎ። ለይቲ ወሪሩወን ዝሓደረቦታታት  1. እንጋል 2. ሰረጉምበ 3. ድረ  …ካብ ዓይጋ ሰካራ ድማ 304 ናይ ነጋዶ ተጋሩ ኣእዱግ ምስ ሙሉእ ፅዕነተን ገፊፎምወሲዶምዎም ኣለው።  እዞም ብካድረታት ጉጅለ ድሕረት TPLF ብምኽንያት እቲ ፍሹል ሽርሒ ፅምዶ ሰላም ተፈጢሩእዩ ኢሎም ተታሊሎም ክነግዱ ዝኸዱ ተጋሩ ሻዓብያ ሒዝዎ ኣብ ዘሎ ኣብ ውሽጢ ትግራይ ዘሎ ሉኣላዊ ግዝኣትኢትዮጵያ ኮይኑ ንዕዳጋ ዝወፈሩ ንፁሃት ዜጋታት እዮም። እቲ ብዕቡዳት ውልቀ ሰባት ብርሃነ ገብረገርግስን ሰብ ዝሰኣነሰብ ኣወል ስዒድን ተገዳስነት ከምዝተጀመረ ኣምሲልካ ክንገረሉ ዝተገበረ ሽርሓዊ ፅምዶ ኵናት ብእኒ መንጀሪኖን ወዲእምበይተይን ብላዕለዋይነት ዝምራሕ መንገዲ ጥፍኣት እዩ። ብስሩዕ መንግስታት ክልል ትግራይን ከም ሃገር ድማኢትዮጵያን ከም ህዝቢ እውን ብኽልቲኡ ወገን ዘለዉ ህዝብታት ትግራይን ኤርትራን ብጓል መንገዲ ዝተጀመረ መንገዲሽርሒ ብምዃኑ ከቢድ ተቓውሞ ዘተኣናገደ እዩ። እንተ ዶሪ ኣስገዶም ግን ሻዕቢያ ወፂኡ እናበልካ ህዝቢ ተውርር ኣለኻልቢ ግበር። እዚ ሓዱሽ ወራር ሓቅነቱ ክተረጋግፁ እትደልዩ ተጋሩ ደቂ ኢሮብ ናብተን ዝተጠቐሳ ከባብታት ናብትፈልጡዎም ሰባት ወይ ቤተሰብ ደዊልኩም ኣረጋግፁ።

ፅምዶ ብኣንፈት ባድመ ሓምለ 27

ወ/ታ/ኣድያቦ ምስ ከተማ ሸራሮ ብሓደ ተዋዲዶም ምስ ሻዕብያ ፅምዶ ንምግባር ኣብ ምድላው ይርከቡ ናብ ፅምዶዝኸዳ ተሽከርከርቲ ነዳዲ ክመልኣ መምርሒ ዝተውሃቡ እንትኾኑ ዝኸዱ ሰባት ድማ መነ መን ተነፂሩ ካብ ወ/ታ/ኣድያቦይኹን ካብ ከተማ ሸራሮ ዝኸዳ 90% ልምዓት ጉጅለ እየን ዝተውሃበን ቅድመ ምድላው –

  1.  ኩለን ክቁነናን ዋላ ካብ ሰብ ለምናን ጥዑይ ጥልፊ ክዳን ተኸዲነን ክኸዳ
  2.  ናይ ዕልልታ ድምፂ ክእለት ዘለወን  ክዳለዋ
  3. ካብ ዓበይቲ ዓዲ ናይ ዘረባ ልምዲ ዘለዎም ሓሳብ ዝህቡ ናይ እምነት ኣቦ  ‘ውን ዘለውዎ ።
  4. መናእሰይ እውን ኣባላት ኮይኖም ነቲ  ፅምዶ ዝድግፉ ብቁፅርን ብሽምን  ተነፂሮም
  5. ነዚ ዘተሓባብሩ ደገፍቲ ናይ ወረዳ  ኮይኖም ግን ድማ ታራ ህዝቢ መሲሎም ጥራሕ ክቀርቡ ። ካብቲ ብዙሕቅደመ ምድላው ዝተውሃበ መምርሒ እተን ውሕዳት እየን::

መራኸቢ ፅምዶ ሰንበል:- ንምንታይ ባድመ ዘይኮነ እንተይልና ሻዕብያ ኣብ ደንበር ክልቲኤና ኢና ንራኸብ ኢሉ ባድመብውዕል ኣልጀርስ ናተይ እያ ኢሉ ንድሕሪኡ ጌርዋ …ዝገርም እቲ ዝፃመድ ዘሎ ትግራዋይ ባድመ ናይ ሻዕብያ ምኻናኣሚኑ ማለት ድዩ ብስሩ ኸ ባድመ ናይ ኤርትራ ክትከውን ታይ ክገብር ኣለዎ ኣብ ውዕል ኣልጀርስ ነይሩ ነዚ ከይፈፀመባድመ ናተይ እያ እናበለ ምስ ሻዕብያ ዝፃመድ ትግራዋይ ምርኣይ መሕዘንን ንኣዴታት ትግራይ ዝተፈፀመን ግፍዒ ዝረሰዐእዩ:: ሰላም ኢና ንደሊ እንተይልና መሬትና ለቂቁ ዘይፃመደና ህዝቢ ባድመ ኣብ ቴንዳታት ትግራይ መራሕቲ ንፖለቲካምፅማድ ግን ቅድሚ ህዝቢ ውድብ ትቅድም ትብል ጭርሖ ብተግባር ንርኢ ኣለና ። ሽረ ፅምዶ ካብ 5 ቀበሌታት ከተማሽረ እንዳስላሴ ካብ ሕድሕደን 30 ሰባት ብድምር 150 ሰባት ንናይ ፅባሕ ናይ ባድመ ፅምዶ ኵናት ( ሕዚ ናብ ሰምበልተቐይሩ ኣሎ) ተመልሚሎም ዕለት 26/11/2017 ዓ.ም ኦረንቴሽን ተዋሪቡዎም። እቲ ዝተመልመለ 150 ህዝቢ ከተማ ሸረእንዳስላሴ ንጉባኤ “ህወሓት” ከም ዝኾነ እዩ ተነጊሩዎም።

ደቂ ኣነስትዮ ባንዴራ ትግራይ ክዳን ክኽደና ሕድሕድ ሰብ ኣብ ገዝኡ ዘሎ ባንዴራ ትግራይን “ህወሓትን” ሒዙ ናብዕለት 27/11/2017 ዓ.ም ዘፅብሕ ንጉሆ ለይቲ 8:00 ኣብ ሃፍቶም ኣዳራሽ ክርከብ ብጥብቂ ተነጊሩዎ።  ናበይ ኢኹምተባሂሎም እንተተሓቲቶም ናብ መርዓ ፣ ክርስትና ፣ ቀብሪ ወዘተ ኢሎም ክዛረቡ መጠንቀቕታ ሓዘል መተሓሳሰቢ እውንተዋሂቡዎም። ህዝቢ ከተማ ሽረ እንዳስላሴ ንቓሕ ካብ ገዛኻ ከይትወፅእ ናብቲ ፅምዶ ኵናት እዮም ዝወስዱኻ ዘለዉ።መሳርሒ ድሕረት ኣይትኹን እምቢ በል።

    መበገሰን መዛዘምን ፅምዶ ዕብዳን፦

  1. ናይ ሰልጣን ቆለ ንዘለዎም ጉጅለታት ንምንጋሰ፣
  2. ካብ ፅንተት ዝተረፈ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ንምፅናት፣
  3. መሬት ትግራይ ዓወደ ኩናት ብምግባር ውሕሰቲ ኤርትራ ንምፍጣር፣
  4. መኸተ ተገምጊሙ ወንጀለኛታት ተጠየቅቲ ንዘይ ምግባር፣
  5. ኣብ ኹሉ መዳይ ዘሎ ዝተወደበ ናይ ለይብነት መርበብ ናብ ዝላዓለ ክርሚናል ተሸጋጊሩ ሰለዘሎ ካብ ተሓታታይነትንምምላጥ
  6. ናይ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ድሕረትን ድኽነትን ብዘላቅነት ክቅፅል ንምግባር፣
  7. ጉጅለ ፅምዶ ኣብ ውሸጢ ኹናት እምበር ኣብ ውሸጢ ሰላም ክነብሩ መንነቶምን ባህሪኦምን ሰለዘይፈቅደሎም፣
  8. ብሓፈሻ እዚ ፅምዶ ኣብ ናይ ክልቲኦም ህዝብታት ድሕንነትን መፃኢ ዕድልን ዘይተመሰረተ ኣብ ናይ ክልቲኦም ሞትዝኣበዮም ጎራሓትን ዕቡዳትን ጉጅለ TPLF and EPLF ጥራሕ ዝተመሰረተ ሓደገኛ እዩ።

ሐዝውን ህዝብን መንእሰይን ትግራይ ኣሰተውዕል ካም ህዝቢ ክትበርሰ ኣበ ዝተደገሰ ናይ ኩናት ድግሰ ኢድካ ከይተእቱ። ኣብ ውሸጢ ዘለኹም ኣባላት ፀጥታ ትግራይ ተንኮል ኣመራርሓ ሻዕብያ ካባኹም ንላዕሊ ዝፈልጦም የለን እቲዝሕሰበልኩም ዘሎ ኣብ ቅድሚት ናይ ዓረር መዝሐሊ ክትኾኑ እዩ። እዚኣ ፈሊጥኩም ኣብ ኢድኩም ዘሎ ኩሉ መማረፂተጠቀሙሉ::

  1. ናብ ቡፆትኹም ናብ ኣግዓዚ ብሔራዊ ግንባር Agaezi National Front (ANF) ተፀምበሩ
  2. እምቢ ኢልኩም ንናብ ገዛኹም ተመለሱ
  3. ዝወርደልኩም ትእዛዝ ኣይንቅበልን በሉ ዘገድድኹም እንተኾይኖም ዝተዓጠቅኹምዎ መሳርያ ተጠቂምኩም ኣብውሸጢ እቲ ቃልሲ ጀምርዎ።

   ትማሊ ቃልሲ ወለዶታት ዝሓንሸሸ ውድብ ሐዚ ድማ ዓይንኹም ዓምቱ ክሽፍጠኹም ይብሎ።ትማሊ ብሰንኪ ብርስውመሪሕነቶም ንዝተፈጠረ ኩናት ክምክት ንዝኸተተ መንእሰይ ሑመራን ወልቃይትን ገድፎም ወልድያን ሚለን ከቢድመስዋእቲ ኣኽፍሎም ቃልሱ ዘሓንሸሹ መራሕቲ ውድብን ሰራዊትን ሐዚ ድማ ብኣፈኛታቶም ኣቢሎም ነፃ ሃገርይብልዎ ኣለው፣ ብኣኹምን መዳኸርትኹምን እትምስረት ትግራይ የለን። ሰበ ስልጣን ህወሓት መሬት ትግራይ ንዓፋርንንኣምሓራን ኣሕልፉ ዝሃበ በለፀኛ ውድብ ቃልሲ ወለዶታት ምሕንሻሽ ዝለመድኹም በለፀኛታት መራሕቲ ውድብህወሓት ሎሚ ይኹን ፅባሕ ዘግህድዎ ሃገርን ልኣላውነት ግዝኣት ትግራይን ::

 

ብሰራዊት ኤርትራ ተታሒዙ :-

  1. ካብ ጣብያ ዓዲ ፀፀር – ቁሸት ዓዲ ፀፀር፣ ቁሸት ሃሞዳይ፣ ቁሸት ደንበላኻ፣ ቁሸት ኮሶገዳይ፣ ቁሸት ድችናማ፣ ቁሸትልጅማርያም፣
  2. ካብ ጣብያ ገማሃሎ- ቁሸት ራህዋ፣ ቁሸት ሕብረት፣ ቂሸት ሰንበል
  3. ካብ ጣብያ ገጠር ባድመ- ቁሸት ደንበ ገዳሙ፣ ቁሸት ዴዳ፣ ቁሸት መደባይ /ብርቅላፅያ፣
  4. ጣብያ ዕሸል ከተማ ባድመ

ብድማር ካብ ጣብያ ዓዲ ፀፀር 6 ቁሸት፣ ካብ ጣብያ ገማሃሎ 3 ቁሸት፣ ካብ ጣብያ ገጠር ባድመ= 3 ቁሸት ፣ ካብ ጣብያከተማ ባድመ ሙሉእ ከተማ ገና ዘይተለቀቃ እየን።

ናህሪ ወሰኽ መሰረታዊ ሸቐጣት ትግራይ

  1. በርበረ ካብ 300 ናብ 800 ብር
  2. እንቁላሊሕ ካብ 14 ናብ 22 ብር
  3. ዶርሆ (ናይቲ ከባቢ ዘርኢ) ካብ 600 ናብ 1800 ብር
  4. ባኒ ካብ 5 ናብ 10 ብር
  5. ቡና (ትሑት ደረጃ) ካብ 500 ናብ 1000 ብር
  6. ዘይቲ ካብ 1100 ናብ 1650 ብር
  7. ሽኮር ካብ 120 ናብ 160 ብር

መንግስቲ ኣልባ ትግራይ

ጉጅለ ድሕረትን ዋርድያታቱ ኮርን ልዕሊኡን ምስ ሻዕቢያ ዝጀመሩዎ ፅምዶ ኵናት ምኽንያት ብምግባር ወዲ ወረደ ድማንቲ ዝጅምሩዎ ኵናት ድልውነት ዝጠቕሙ ውሳነታት ወሲኑ ኣሎ።

  1. ናይ መንግስቲ መደበኛን ውሽጢ ኣታውን ፣ ናይ ኣብያተ መዘጋጃ ሙሉእ በጀት ፣ ብገበርቲ ሰናይ ብኹሉ ቻነል ዝመፀበጀትን ካፒታል በጀትን ከይንቀሳቐስ
  2. ናፍጣን ቤንዚንን ብዘይካ ንሰራዊት ተባሂሉ ኣብ ዝተቐመጠ መዐደሊ ነዳዲ ዝኾነ መዐደሊ ነዳዲ ንመንግስቲይኹን ንውልቀ ዋላ ሓንቲ ሊትሮ ነዳዲ ከይትዕደል
  3. ብDDRን ብኻልእ ናይ ባዕሎም ምኽንያትን ገዝኦም ዝርከቡ ተጋደልቲ ብህፁፅ ናብ ሰራዊት ክምለሱ
  4. ሎጂስቲክስ ውግእ ድልው ክኸውን ( ኦስዲናንስ ጠያይትን መሳርሒታት ኵናትን ክቖፅር ፅገና ድማክፅግን )
  5. ፅምዶ ክጠናኸር ….etc… ወዲ ወረደ ካብ ሕርክርና ሻዕቢያ ውፃእ ሕዚ እውን ኣይረፈደን።ን5 ዓመት ኢሮብንዛላምበሳን ኣብ ኢድ ወረርቲ ከምዘላ ክዛረብ ዘሕፈሮ ኢሊት እኮ እዪ ሕጂ ብዛዕባ ፅምዶ ፕሮፖጋንዳ ዝሰርሕዘሎ::

ፃዕረ  ሞት ጉጅለ ደብረፅዮን እንትግለፅ፣ ባዕሉ ብዘጥፍኦ ጥፍአት ዕለት 5/9/2017 ዓም ሙሉእ ብሙሉእ ህውሓት ዝብልስም ካብ ቦርድ መረፃ ኢትዮጵያ ይስረዝ አሎ ዩ።ነዚ እዩ ሓዙኒ ልቀቁኒ ዝብል ዘሎ። ጉጅለ ድሕረት ምውዳቁ ባዕሉአረጋጊፆዎ እዩ ፣ካብዚ ተበጊሱ ፣ቀድመ ኩነት ኢሉ ዘቅመጦ አለው። ናብ ሳሕል ምህዳም እንተኮን፣ ሃፍቲ ህዝቢ ትግራይመሊእካ ምውራር ዝብል ዕቅድ ሒዙ እዩ ብዕጥቂ ዝተሰነየ ምቅስቃስ ዝገብር ዘሎ።ካብቶም ዘሓዞም ፕሮግራም ፣

  1. ምስ ሻዕብያ ርክብ ፅምዶ ምፈጣር እዩ።
  2. ትካላት ትምእት ምቁፅፃር ፡እዩ::
  3. ዝነበረ ምምሕዳር አፍሪስካ ናይ ባዕልካ ምምስራት ፣
  4. ውግእ ምስ ፅምዶ ሻዕብያ፣ኮይንካ ምጅማር..ጉጅለ ድሕረት ዝመርፆ ምስ ሻዕብያ ኮይንካ ንፊደራል ምውቃዕ፣እዩ። ክሳብ ዝመውት ተለይ ምባል አየቋርፅን እዩ፡ በዚመሰረት ሃፍትን፣ንብረትን ህህቢ ትግራይ እናወረርካ ናብኤርትራ ምስጋር እዩ።
  5. ተአመንቲ ዕጡቃት ምምልማል ካብ ዝተወለድካሉ ከባቢን እሙናት ዝብሃሉ ካድረታትን ፉሊይ ረብሓ ብምሃብዕሱባት ዋርድያታቱ ምጥንካር ፣
  6. በየአዳራሽ ዘጎሩዕ፣አወዳትን፣ አጓላትን ብብዝሒ እናመልመልካ ምእታው አከይባ ምርባሽ።
  7. አብ ውጪ ዘለው ዲያስፖራ በዝሒ ገንዘብ እናኸፈልካ በዘይ ምቁራፅ፣ሰባት ምፅላምን ምፅራፍን።
  8. ንአቶ ታደሰ ወረደ ግዝያዊ ምምሕዳር ክልል ትግራይ …እሶም ብዝህብዎ መደብ ቆፂሩ ክርከብ ክፍፅ፡ዝርይኡ፣ብናታቶም አባላት ክምራሕ ምግባር እዩ።

ጉጅለ  ድሕረት ሓሽከር ሻዕብያ እዚ ኩሉ ጌሩ ኸ የሓው ዶ? አይሓውን ፃዕረ ሞት ዕግርግር እዩ። ገና 1968 ዓምአውራጃውነት ፀቢብነት ኢሉ ሰባት ምቅንፃል ዝጀመረላ መዓልቲ እዩ፣ዝሞተ። አቃብሩና አውያት ኢና ንፅበ ዘለናእምበር ህውሓት ተገኒዛ እያ ናብ ጎድጋድ ምእታው እዩ ቀርይዋ ዘሎ። ንርክባት ህዝቢ ከባቢ ጾሮናን እገላንኣመልኪቱ ምስ ገረብ ግባ ዝነበረኒ ፃንሒት ፦ 10 ሓምለ 2017 ዓ/ም ብኣሽሓት ዝቑጸር ህዝቢ ትግራይን ኤርትራንኣብሓደ ዳስ ውዒሉ።

  ብትግራይ ወገን [ከባቢታት እገላ] ፡ ዓዲ ጨጓር ፥ ደቆሎም ፥ ማይ እልባ ፥ እንዳ ሓወሪያ ፥ በዓኽለ ፥ ክለሊዕ ፥ ማይከክሮምቶ ፥ ጥሽናይ ፥ ላዕላይን ታሕታይን ለይቶ ፥ ናልዕለ ፥ ውንጥሕ ፥ ደገና::  ብኤርትራ ወገን [ከባቢታት ጾሮና] ፡እግሪ መኸል ፥ ጾሮና ፥ ድቢ ፥ ዓይባ ፥ ጎልጎል ሃዘሞ ፥ ተኺሎ ፥ ማይልባ ፥ ማይ ዓጋም ፥ ኩደይባ ተራኺቦም። ኣብቲህዝቢ ምስ ህዝቢ ናይምርኻብ ስነስርዓት መራሕቲ ኃይማኖታት ፥ ዓበይቲ ዓዲን ነበርቲ እቶም ዝተጠቐሱ ከባቢታትንተረኺቦም ማዕዳን እሂን ምሂንን ኣካይዶም ኣለዉ።

ፅምዶ – መእተዊ ታገፋሕ፥ መውፂእታ ፀባብ…እዩ:: ንኩናት መን ጀመሮ ዝብል ናይፖለቲካ ሃልኪ እዩ። እቲ ቁምነገር ኩናት ምጅማሩ ወይ እቲ ህዝቢ አብ ኩናት ምእጓዱእዩ። እቲ ጉዳይ ኩናት ክተውግድ ኩሉ ክትገብሮ ዝግባእ ጌርካ ዶ እዩ። እዚ ንአዲስአበባ ኮነ ንመቐለ ዝምልከት እዩ። ምስ ኤርትራ ናይ ህዝቢ ንህዝቢ ሰላምን ርክብንሓደ ነገር እዩ። ዝድገፍ እዩ። ፀላኢ ዝነበረት ኤርትራ ከይትወግአካ ምግባር (neutralize ምግባር) እውን አይኸፍእን እዩ። ነጻነትካ ሓሊኻ ካብዝኾነ አካል (ኤርትራ ሓዊሱ) ወላሃገዝ ምርካብ እውን ጉድአት የብሉን። ነብስኻ ክተታልል እንተዘይደሊኻ፥ ፅምዶ ግንካብ ኩሎም ዝተፈለየ (ልዕሊ ኩሎም) እዩ። አንፃር ሓበራዊ ፀላኢ ብወታደራዊሓቢርካ ምስላፍ ምዃኑ ግልፂ’ዩ። (እዚ ፅምዶ ናይ ሰላም እዩ ዝብል ቀልዲ ንግደፎ):: እቲ ናይ ፅምዶ ሞራላዊ ሕቶ ከምዘለዎ ኮይኑ -ኩናት እንተተጀሚሩ ፅምዶ (አብ ክንዲ ፀጋ) ዕዳ ዝኾነሉ ኩነታት አሎ። ቀዳማይ ነት ውግእ ዞባዊ ዝገብር እዩ። ኢሳያስ ዝሕወሶ ኩናት ዕላምኡ ዕልዋ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ እንበር ምትግባርውዕሊ ፕሪቶርያ ወይ ምምላስ ምዕራብ ትግራይ ክኸውን አይኽእልን። ስለዚ ነዚ ንምክልኻል ወይ ንኤርትራ ንምርካብናፍቲ ውግእ ዝሕወሱ አካላት ክህልዉ እዪም። ኢማራት ብወገን ኢትዮጵያ ግብፂ ብወገን ኤርትራ ክስለፋ ይግመት።እቲ ምትእትታው ግን ካብኡ ንላዕሊ እዩ።አብዝጉዳይ እዙይ ናይ ትግራይ ፍትሓዊ ህገ-መንግስታዊ ሕቶ ይሽፈን(ይርሳዕ)።  ካልአይ -አብ ፅምዶ ተመስሪትካ ዝግበር ፕላን ዘተአማምን አይኮነን። ኢሳያስ ትራንዛክሽናልን ተአማኒዘይኮነን መራሒ ምዃኑ ዝፍለጥ’ዩ። አብዝኾነ ሰዓት፥ ንኡሽተይ ምኽንያት ብምቕራብ ደሓን ወዓሉ ኢሉ ክኸድዝኽእል’ዩ። ክዕረቕ ይኽእል እዩ። ብዝዓባ ፅምዶ ብዕሊ ዘአተዎ ቃል ዘይምህላዉ፥ ነዚ ቀሊል ይገብሮ።

 ሳልሳይ -አብዝኾነ እዋን (ረብሓኻ መሰረት ጌርካ) ነቲ ኩናት ብድርድር ጠጠው ክተብሎ ትፅገም። ናትካ ድልየት ጥራሕወሳኒ አይኸውንን። ነፃነት የለን። ወይ ካልእ ጎንፂ ይውለድ። ስለዚ መውጽኢታ ፀባብ እያ። ብሓፈሻ አብዚ ዝተሓላለኸጂኦፖለቲካዊ ኩነታት፥ ብነሲብ ጉዕዞ ጠጠው አቢልካ፥ ደው ኢልካ ክሕሰብ አለዎ። ጥንቃቐ ዘለዎ አመተን መርገፅን ናይርክባት ግልፅነትን አዝዩ ወሳኒ እዩ። እዚ ፅምዶ ዝብሃል ዘሎ ዓሚ ስጋዕ ዓዲ ቐይሕን ሰንዓፈን እንዳኸዱ አባ ሰረቐብርሃን ዝጀመሩዎ ብዓል አወል ስዒድ ኮይሶም ምስ ሰብ ዝሰአነ ሰብ ዘጋውሑዎ ናይ ብሄረ ትግርኛ ጥራሕ ፅምዶ እዩ :: እዚ ፅምዶ እዚ ፖለቲካዊ አይኮነን ንፁር ረብሓታትን ስትራቴጂ ይኹን ታክቲካዊ ዓላማን እውን የብሉን ስብ ዋና እውንአይፍሉጣትን እዚ ፅምዶ ናይ ህዝብታት ፅምዶ እውን አይኮነን :: ሰላም ክፍጠር ህዝብታት ይራኸቡ ሕውነትንምሕዝነትን ቀጠባዊ ርኽክብን ክገብሩ ህጋዊነት ዝተላበሰ ናይ ሰላም ዕማም እምበር ህዝቢ አይፃመዱን ስለዚ 8 ብሄራት ኤርትራ ዘግለለ ፅምዶ ትኽክልን ህጋዊነት ዝተላበሰን ፅምዶ አይኮነን::

    ዘይትካላውን ዘይመትከላውን ፅምዶ ኣየድልን ኢና ዝበልና እምበር ምስ ጎረባብትና ሓቢርካ ንምስራሕ ምሕባርንምትሕብባርን እማ ማንም ዝቃወም የለን። ናይቲ ፅምዶ መሰረቱን ሰረቱን ግን ዝተፀነዐን ተጋሩ ዝፈላሊ ዘይኮነስሕብረትና ዘጠንክር ስትራቴጂካዊ ጥቅሚ ትግራይ ዘውሕስ ክከውንስ ካብ ህልክን ተብተብን ነፃ ክወፅእ ኣለዎ እዩ እቲኣፈላላይ። ንብልፅግና ንምሕራቅ ወይ ንሻዕብያ ንምሕራቅ ዘይኮነስ ብስክነት ዝተመረሐ ከም ህዝቢ ውሑስ ዝገብረናርክብ ኢና ንጠልብ ዘለና። ከም ህዝቢ ንቕድሚት ንምስጓም ብዛዕባ ድራኸታት ርክብ ጎረባብትና ብጥንቃቀንብስትራቲጂን እዩ ክፅናዕን ክምራሕን ዘለዎ። ሕሉፍ ገበናትን በደላትን ተሓታትነትን ምትእምማንን ኩሎም ኣካላትዘይብሉ ፅምዶ ቅኑዕ ክከውን ስለዘይክእል ንህዝቢ ትግራይ ኣይጠቅምን ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ ናብ ዝከፈአ ስሉሳዊ ፀገምከይሽምሞ እዩ ስግኣትና።

  እቲ ዝምስረት ርክብ ሓቃዊ ኮይኑ ግዝያዊ ዘይኮነስ ነውሕ ዝጓዓዝ ተሓታትነትን ምክሕሓስን ዘለዎ ጥቅምን ሰላምንህዝቢ ትግራይ ብዘውሕስ መልክዑ ሕሉፋትና ተገምጊሙ ፍትሒ ዝመረሖ ዳኣምበር ሆሆታውያን ህፃውንቲ ኣብቅድሚት ገይርካ ብድሕሪት ፖለቲካዊ ዕብዳን ዘለዎም ወንጀለኛታትን ጋኒን ጦርነት ዝተሰቀሎም ሽማግለታት ኣብድሕሪት መጋረጃ ኮይኖም ብዝነፍሕዎ ፊስካ ዝምራሕ ክከውን ኣይብሉን። እንተናኣሰ እንገብሮ ርክብ ግዝኣታዊሓድነትና ኣውሒሱ ተመዛበልትና ናብ መረበቶም ዝምልስን መፃኢ ትግራይ ካብ ዝኮነ ዓይነተ ወጥሪ ዘላቅቅ ክከውንኣለዎ። ግዝኣትና ካብ ዝወረረ ሓደ ካዓ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ እዩ። ንሰላም ድልው እንተዝከውን ከም ሓደ ኣፈኛ ሃለውለውብምባል ዘይኮነስ ከም መንግስቲ ኣዊጁ መሬትና ዘይምልሰልና ታይ ኮይኑ? ይውህንና ረሳኢነትና ክሳብ ማዓዝ እዩ። ጌጋኣብ ልዕሊ ጌጋ እናፈፀምና ትግራይ መከራ ምእታው ይኮኖ እዩ ክባሃል ዘለዎ። እንተዘይኮይኑ ምስ ሻዓብያ ተፀጋዕካንብልፅግና ምሕማይ ምስ ብልፅግና ተሓካከክካ ንሻዕብያ ምሕራቅ ኩሉ ወዮ ስለዝኮነ ንትግራይ ከውሕሳ ኣይክእልን። እቲ ዘሕፍር ኤርትራ ኣብ ልዕሌና ዝበደለቶ በደል ግዜ ኣይብልናን ወዲሓወቦይ ተሎ በል ምፃእ ናብ ኣስመራ ኢትዮጵያከይትወረኒ ተከላከለለይ እቲ ካሊእ ቀስ ኢልና ነርክበሉ ኢና ብዝብል ናይ ሓደ ፅንተት ትግራይ ኣብ እግሪ ሓወልቲ ኣክሱምኮይኑ ዘበሰረ ነውራም ኣፈኛ ሻዕብያ ዝቅለስ ምኳኑ ካዓ ዝበለፀ ንዕቀቶም የመላክት።

ሓቀኛ ሰላም ካብ ትካላውነቱ ጀሚሩ ፍትሕን ተሓተትነትን ህሊይዎ ሓድሕዳዊ ኣፍልጦን ካሕሳን ጥራይ እዩ ክመፅእዝኽእል እምበር ካብ ፖለቲካዊ ፀወታታት ብምዑሩይ ቋንቋን ኣዋጅን ሃይሃይታን ሓድነት ሰላም ዘለዎ ጉርብትና ተረጋጊፁኣይፈልጥን። እዚ መንገዲ ካብ ሓደጋ ናብ ሓደጋ እዩ ዝወስድ። ጥቅሚ ትግራይ ዘውሕስ እውን ኣይኮነን። እኳዳኣስብግልባጡ ንትግራይ ማእከል ጦርነት ኢትዮ-ኤርትራ ናይ ምኳን ዕድላ ዘስፍሕ እዩ። ጉዳዮም ክልቲኦም ይወድኡ። ኣብጉዳዮም ኣየእትዉና።  እቲ ርክብ መሰረቱ እውን ህዝባዊ ዘይኮነስ ጉጂላዊ ድሕንነትን ጥቅምን ንምሕላው ዝግበርሸበድበድ እዩ። ብፍላይ ህግደፍ ናይ ኣድሑኑኒ ኣዋጅ ኣዊጁ ከምዛ ንሰራዊት ኢትዮጵያ ዝገበሮም ኣብ ቅድሚት ገይሩኤርትራ ከይትውረር መዝሓሊ ጥይት ክገብረና እዩ ትምኒቱ። ኣይኮነን ምስ ህግደፍ ምስቲ ዝተዋዓዕልናዮ ብልፅግናእውን እዚ ሸበድበድ ኣየድልየናን። ንኩሉ ምስ ኩሉ ብጥንቃቀ ክግበር ኣለዎ። ብሓፂሩ ሻዕብያ ንምድሓን እንከፍሎ ዋጋኣይክህሉን። ንምንታይ ኣብ ምንታይ ከም እንስዋእ ኣወል ስዒት ንዓን ክሕብረና ኣይክእልን። ጉዳይና ሻዕብያ ዝወረሮምቦታታትን ብልፅግና ዝወረሮ ምዕራብ ትግራይን ወዘተን እዩ። ንዑዑ ኢና ንስዋእ።

ኣብ ሞንጎ ህዝብታት ኤርትራን ትግራይን ሰላም ንምፍጣር ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ሓዊ ክንኣጉድ ግድን ኣይኮነን። ሕጂ ዘሎሓዊ ኢትዮ ኤርትራ ንተጋሩ ኣይምልከተና ማለት ግን ኣይኮነን። ህልሃልታ ብርሑቅ ከይልብልበና ዓርስና ከም ሃገርብምሕሳብ ከመይ ሃልሃልታ ንከላክል ዝብል ጥራሕ እዩ ክከውን ዘለዎ። ተብተብ ኢልና ብቀጥታ ናብቲ ሓዊእንጥበሰሉ ምክንያት ኣይክህሉን። ሻዕብያ ሎሚ ምሳና ፅባሕ ምስ ኣምሓራ ኮይኑ ንዓና እያ እታ ዕጫ። ትማሊ ምስብልፅግና ከመይ ዓይነት ፅምዶ ፈጢሩ ንፈልጦ ኢና።

ኣብ ሞንጎ ህዝብታት ኤርትራን ትግራይን ዝህሉ ሰላም ግን ዘይቀሪ እዩ!!

ጉዳይ ፅምዶ = ክሕደት በደል ጨፍጫፍ ወንጀል ህዝብና እዩ።

ህወሓትን ሻዕቢያን ኪናት ወሊዖም ዝቐተልዎ፣ዘፈናቐልዎ፣ ብግፍዓዊ ዝደፈሩወን አዋልድ ኮታስ ዝጨፍጨፍዎንዘፅነትዎን ህዝብና ብወንጀል ከይሕተቱ ፅምዶ ብዝብል ሕግን መስርሕን አልባ ንህዝብና ደም ደቁ ተነፂፉ ንቐታሊኡንክጉምባሕ ይጉስጉሱ አለው።

   እቲ ዘደንፁ ድማ እዚ ወለዶ አብክንዲ በይናይ ሕጋዊ ማእቀፍ፣ በይናይ ሕጋዊ ናይ ዕርቂ መስርሕ እዩ እዚ ፅምዶ ኢሉአብ ክንዲ ዝሓትትስ እዞም ወንጀለኛታት ወንጀሎም ንምሽፋን ካብ ተሓታትነቶም ነፃ ንክወፁ እኳደአስ ናይ ሰላምናፈቕቲ ከምዝኾኑ ነቲ ህዝብና ሸዊዶም ይረግፅዎ ይቕልድሉ አለው። ስልጣን ንበይኖም ቢሒቶም ናብ ደቆም ደቂደቆም አለው።

ፅምዶ ዝብሃል መሀውተቲ ኣጀንዳ ትግራይ ዓውደ ኩናት ብምግባር ንመራሒ ኤርትራ ቅሳነት ካብ ምፍጣር ዝሓለፈ ዕላማኣይነበሮን:: ብወገን ጉጅለ ድሕረት ብዙሕ ዝተዘረበሉ ርክብ ክሰምር እንተድኣኮይኑ ካብ መራሕቲ ኤርትራ ዝተውሃቦምቅድመ ኩነት ድማ ንምዕራብ ገፁ ምንም ዓይነት ምንቅስቓስ ከይግበር( ፋኖ ከይቕየም): ሃገረ ትግራይ ዝብሃል ኣጀንዳ ፍፁምከይልዓል: ስምምዕ ኣልጀርስ ብምልእታ ክቕበሉ: ንታዕሊም ዝከውን መንእሰይ ንሻዕብያ ከቕርቡ’ሞ ሻዕብያ ክዕልም ዝብል’ዩ:: ‘ብፃይ’ ኢሳያስ ን’መራሕቲ ወያነ’ ክብል ብዙሕ ዋጋ ናይምኽፋል ድሌት ከምዘይብሉ ንዲፕሎማሰኛታት ግልፂ ጌይሩሉ:: ከምሓደ መንበሩ ዘገድሶ ብዓል ናይ ዘመናት ልምዲ ፓለቲከኛ ትክክል’ዩ ወሲኑ ዝብል እምነት’ለኒ:: ‘ብፃይ’ ኢሳያስ ዘዋፅኦ ኣፀቢቑዝርዳእ ሰብ’ዩ:: ኣብዚ ሕዚ እዋን ጉጅለ ድሕረት ኣብ ዓብይ ቅልውላው ጥሒሉ ይርከብ:: ዝ’ጉጅለ’ዚ ካብ ቅልውላውንምውፃእ ዝተለሞ ትልሚ ድማ ናብ ደቡብ ምብራቕን ደቡብን ወታሃደራዊ ወፍሪ ብምግባር ካልእ ቅልውላው ምፍጣር’ዩ:: ናይ ክራማት ስራሕ ኣብ ዝስርሐሉ: ኩሉ ዓቕሚ ንሰላምን ንሰላምን ጥራሕ ክውዕል ኣብ ዝግበአሉ ሰዓት ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢኩናት ምእዋጅ ከም መፍትሒ ተወሲዱ’ሎ በቲ ጉጅለ ድሕረት:: እታ ዘላቶም ዓቕሚ እዚኣ’ያ:: ንትግራይ ናብ ዘይዛሪቅልውላው ዘእቱ ዘሎ ጉጅለን ኣብ ሰራዊት ዘለው መጋበርያታቱን ኣብ መንቀርቀር ኣትዩ ዘሎ ዘይቅዱስ ‘ፅምዶ’ ኮን’ ደ’ኾንነፍስ እንተዘርአሎም ብዝብል ዝምሃዝዎ ምህዞ ኣብልዕሊ ህዝብና ዝብልዎ ህዝቢ ኩናት ምእዋጅ’ዩ:: ኩሉ ትግረዋይ ደላይሰላም ኣትሪሩ ክቃለሶ ዝግባእ መገዲ ጥፍኣት’ዩ:: ንዝፍጠር ኩሉ ጥፍኣት ጉጅለ ድሕረት ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ ላዕለዎት ሓለፍቲሰራዊት: ልዕሊ ኹሉ ድማ ፕረዝደንትን ላዕለዎት ሓለፍቲ ጊዝያዊ ምምሕዳርን ቀንዲ ተሓተቲ ምኻኖም ክፍለጥ ይግባእ::

ወሳኒ ፍታሕ  

  ኣብ ራያ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ህዝባዊ ተቓውሞ ኣብ ካልእ ከባቢታት እውን ክሰፍሕ ይግባእ ። ህዝቢ ራያ ብናይ ሸዓብያ ወያነመጋበርያ ይግፋዕን ይቕተልን ኣሎ። እዚ ድማ ብቕልጡፍ ክኹነንን ክስረዝን ኣለዎ። ካልኦት ከባቢታት ከም ተምቤን፣እንደርታ፣ ዓጋመ፣ ሽረ፣ ኣኽሱም ወዘተ ኣብ ከባቢ ራያ ኣብ ዝግበር ህዝባዊ ተቓውሞን ተቓውሞን ክጽንበሩ ኣለዎም። ራያዓርሰ ምሕደራ ከኽብር ደቁ ንብረት እናገበረ ይቃለስ አሎ። እዚ ቂልሲ ዓጋመ ተምቤን እንደርታ ሽረ ደአ ንምንታይ ከምቲዝድለ ዘይሰጎመ? ታደሰ ወረደ ሙሉእ ብሙሉእ ናይ ሻዓብያ ሉኡኽቶ የፈፅም ኣሎ። ወዲ ወረደ እከይ ተግባሩ እዩ:: መንግስቲንምፍራስ ቅድሚት ዝተሰለፈ እዩ: ወዲ ወረደ ቀንዲ ስርሑ ማህተም ምምንጣል እዩ: ኩለን ዝፅወዐን ኣኼባታት ናይቲድሑር ጉጅለ መልእኽቲ እየን: ወዲ ወረደ ፀገም ንምፍታሕ ዘይኮነ ዓላምኡ ትግራይ ምብታን እዩ: ወዲ ወረደ ናይታ ናይ ደቓሉፅምዶ ዋና ገባሪ ሓዳጊ እዩ: ወዲ ወረደ ተመዛበልቲ ንኸይምለሱ ወጢሩ ዝሰርሕ ዘሎ ቁፅሪ ሓደ እዩ: ወዲ ወረደ ናይ ኲናትድግስ ለይቲ ለይቲ ካርታ እናውፀአ ካብ ዝሓድሩ ሓደ እዩ: ወዲ ወረደ ማለት ሙቐት እናዓቀነ ዝጓዓዝን ንባዕሉ ካብ ገበን ነፃዝኾነላ ባዓቲ ዝእልሽን ስለ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ፀገም ንምፍታሕ ዋላ ሓንቲ ዕላማ ዘይብሉን እዩ።

  ሻዓብያ ኣብ መቐለ ቢሮ ከፊቶም ህዝቢ ሓበሻ የፅንቱ ኣለው።ስለዚ ታደሰ ምስ ሻዓብያ ብምትሕብባር ንእሤታት/ክብርታትግዕዝ ኣብ ምዕናውን ንግዕዛዊት ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ምፍራስን ይርከቡ።ስለምንታይ መንግሥቲ ኢትዮጵያ ስቅታ መሪፁ? ናይቲሽፍታ ስርዓት መሓዉርን ሃፍትን ማዕኸሉ ኣብ መቐለ እዩ።ካብዚ ብተወሳኺ ናይ ሻዓብያ መሓውር’ውን ኣብ መቐለ እዮም።

ስለዙይ ኣብቲ ዋና ናይ ስሕበት ማእኸል ናይ ህዝቢ ማዕበል ክቀፃፀል ኣለዎ።እቲ ጉዳይ ኣብ መቐለ እዩ ዝዉዳእ።ሸፋቱ ካብመቐለና ይውፅኡ!!ወጊድ ኣዛብእ ቀትሪ!! ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ራያ ዝፍጸም ዘሎ ግፍዒ ኣዝዩ መሕዘኒ እዩ።እቲ ጨፍጫፍወንጀለኛታት ጉጅለ ዓድዋ ምስ ሻዓብያ ተዋዲዶም ይሰርሕዎ ኣለዉ።ታደሰ ወረደ፣ጀነራላት ዓድዋን ሻዓብያን ንህዝቢ ሓበሻየፅንቱዎ ኣለዉ።

ናይ መወዳእታ ዕላማኦም ንምድሪ ኣግኣዚ ኣብ ትሕቲ ናይ ሻዓብያ ኣረሜናዊ ስርዓት ምእታውን ንኢትዮጵያ ንምብታንንእዩ።ወጊድ ንባርነት!! እቲ ጨፍጫፊ ጉጅለ ካብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ተባሪሩ ንመቐለ ምስተመለሰ ብሚልዮን ዝቁጸር ህዝቢ ለኪሙእዩ። ሎሚ ካብ ምድሪ ራያን ኩሉ ምድሪ ኣግኣዝን ክጉሓፍ ኣለዎ።መንእሰይ መቐለ ነዚ ድሑርን ወራርን ጉጅለንምጉሓፍ ተልዓል!! አሰር ራየቶትን ወልቀቶትን ሰዓብ!!

    ብሓፈሻ ናይዚ ኹሉ ተደጋጋሚ ፅንተት 50 ዓመት ቐንዲ ተሓታታይ ጉጅለ ሽፍታን ዓማፅን ህወሓት ጥራሕን ጥራሕንምዃኑ ተረዲእና ምስ ውድብ ብሔረ ኣግኣዚ-ውብኣ/Agaezi National Union- ANU) ተወዲብና ክንቃለስ ይግባእ ንብል።ብፍላይ ሕዚ ሓደሽቲ ህዝባዊ ሓይልታት ተፈጢረን ናይ ኹለን ኸባቢ ፀጥታ ክሕልዋን ህዝበንን ዓደንን ከድሕናንይግባእ እምበር መንግስቲ ዝብሃል ከም ዘይብልና ክፍለጥ ይግባእ። ህዝቢ ዓዱን ህይወቱን ንኸድሕን ክውደብ ይግባእ።ቃልሲ ብባህሪኡ ንቃልሲ ኣብ ዝጥዕም ቦታን ብቀረባ ብዝረዳድኡ ሰባትን ኣብ ዝኾነ ኩርናዕ እዩ ዝጅመር፡፡ ከከምፍትሓዊነቱን ሰሓባይነቱን መጠን ድማ እናሰፍሓ ይኸይድ። እዚ ክንብል ከለና ድማ ኩሉ ነንዝነበረሉ ከባብን ዓሌትንጥራሕ ክቃለስ ኣለዎ ማለት ኣይኮነን። እቲ ቃልሲ ካብ ሓደ ጥርኑፍ ውዳበ ተበጊሱ ንሓደ ዓላማን ንሓንትንኣግኣዚያዊት መሬት ምስ ባሕራ ኣብ ምምላስን ሰላምን ዲሞክራስን ኢሉ ድማ ፍትሕን ምዕባለን ንምስፋን ዝዓለም ስነሓሳብ መሪሕ ናይቲ ቃልሲ ይኸውን። እቲ ቃልሲ ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ከባብታት ዋላ ይጉሃሃር እምበር ነቲ ቃልሲ ዝመርሖፖለቲካዊ ስነ ሓሳብ እዩ።

ዂናት ልዕሊ ኹሉ ፖለቲካዊ ግጥም እዩ። ነቲ ወትሃደራዊ ግጥም ፖለቲካ እዩ ዝመርሖ። እቲ ወትሃደራዊ ሓይሊመቃለሲ መንገዲ (tool) እዩ። ስለዚ ኣብ ዂናት ክትስዓር ወይ ‘ውን ክትደክም ከለኻ እቲ ድኽመት ወይ ኣብቲወትሃደራዊ ሓይሊ ወይ’ውን ኣብቲ ንዕኡ ዝመርሖ ፖለቲካ እዩ ክኸውን ዝኽእል። ስለዚ ከም ውድብ ውብኣ እንፍልሞዘለና ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ንኹልና ኣብ ሓደ ዝጠምር ንፁር ስነ ሓሳብ ዝሓዘ እዩ።

ስነ ሓሳብ ክንብል ከለና ሰለስተ ኣይድለይቲ ዕላማታት ኣለ

  • ስነሓሳብ ንሓደ ሕብረተሰብ ብዛዕባ መበቆሉ፣ ታሪኹ፣ ልምድታቱ ጥርኑፍ መረዳእታ ብምሃብ ካበይ ከምዝመፀ ኣብምግላፅን ምርዳእን ይሕግዞ። ስለ’ዚ ኸኣ መን ምዃኑ ብምንፃር ኣብ መንነቱን ከምዝተኣማመንን ኣብ ርእሱ ከምዝምርኮስን ብምግባር ፅግዕተኛነት ዘየድልዮ ናፃ ሕብረተሰብ ንምህናፅ ባይታ የጣጥሓሉ። ብሓፂሩ ታሪኻዊንቕሓት ይፈጥረሉ።
  • ከም ውፅኢት ታሪኹ ሕዚ ዝርከበሉ ኩነታትን ዘለዎ ውሽጣዊ ዓቕምታትን ድኻማትን፣ ዕድላትን ሓፁራትን፡ዝገጥሞ ብዶሆታትን ግድላትን፡ ከቢብዎ ዝርከብ ሓይልታትን ፀቕጥታቱን ብምብራህ ኣበይ ከምዘሎ የገንዝቦ።በዚ ድማ ናይ ህሉው ኩነታቱን መጻኢ ኣንፈታቱን ዝሰፍሐ መረዳእታ ይህቦ። ዕማማቱ ብዓወት ንምስላጥ ዘኽእሎፖለቲካዊ ሓይሊ ይፈጥረሉ። ብሓፂሩ ሓባራዊ መረዳእታ ይሃንፀሉ።
  • ናበይ ክኸይድ ከምዝደሊ ይመርሖን የነፅረሉን። ዓበይቲ ነገራት ንምፍፃም ንኽመጣጠር፡ ትልምታቱ ብቐፃሊንምምሕያሽን ናብ ዝለዓለ ብርኪ ንምብፃሕን ከዓ ዓብይቲ ምልከታታት ንኽህልዎ ይድርኾ። ብሓፂሩ ራእይ የነፅረሉ።

እምበኣር ከም ውድብ ውብኣ መቃለሲ ስነ ሓሳብ ሒዝና ቃልሲ ክነካይድ እንትንንቀሳቐስ ስነ ሓሳብነ ንሓደ ዓሌትወይ ቦታ ዝወገነ ዘይኮነስ ንኹሉ ህዝቢ ኣግኣዚ ሓደ ገይሩ ክመርሕን ናብ ዓወት ከብፅሕን ዝኽእል መትከል ዝሓዘእዩ።

ካብዚ ብምብጋስ ድማ እቲ ነካይዶ ኩለመዳያዊ ቃልሲ ድማ ኣብ ሓደ ቦታ ጥራሕ ዝጥጃእ ዘይኮነስ ሓደ ዕላማ ሒዙኣብ ኩሉ ከባብታት ትግራይ ተወሊዑ  ናብ ኣግኣዚያዊ ዓመት ዘብፅሕ እዩ ክኸውን።

በዚ መሰረት ድማ እዞም ዝስዕቡ ኣወዳድባታት ሒዝና ንምጅማር ወሲና ኣለና

  1. ህዝባዊ ሓይሊ ኣግኣዚ ሰብኣ ዓጋመ
  2. ህዝባዊ ሓይሊኣግኣዚ  ሰብኣ  ራያ (ሰብኣማዕበል)
  3. ህዝባዊ ሓይሊ ኣግኣዚ ሰብኣ  ቴምቤን
  4. ህዝባዊ ሓይሊ ኣግኣዚ ሰብኣ  እንደርታ
  5. ህዝባዊ ሓይሊ ኣግኣዚ  ሰብኣ  ሽረ
  6. ህዝባዊ ሓይሊ ኣግኣዚ ሰብኣ  አክሱም
  7. ህዝባዊ ሓይሊ ኣግኣዚ ሰብኣ  ዓድዋ

ህዝባዊ ሓይሊ ኣግኣዚ ሰብኣ  ወልቃይት ወዘተ

ብምምስራት ኹሉ ህዝብና ንዓርሱ ከድሕን ይግባእ።

ፍትሒ፣ ሓርነት፣ ናፅነት ትምንዝዖ እምበር ዝተኹበልካ የልቦን። ንመን እዮም ብሰላማዊ ሰልፊ ፍትሒ ዝሓቱዎ ዘለውእዞም ዝተኽሓዱ እዞም ዝተፈናቐሉ ወገናትናን ኣባላት ነበር TDFን?  ህዝባዊ ዓመፃትን እምቢተኝነትን ክመርሕዝግባእ እዙ ህዝባዊ ሓይሊ ኣግኣዚ እዩ። ናይ ህዝቢ ሰብኣዊ ረዲኤት እውን ናብ ህዝቢ ክባፃሕ ክገብር፣ ናይ ህዝቢወርቂ፣ እምነበረድ፣ ጨው፣ ጡጥ፣ ሰሊጥ ይኹን ባንክን ታንክን ህዝባዊ ሓይልታት ኣግኣዚ ክቆፃፀራኡ ናይ ግድንይኸውን።

No Eritreanization of Tigray !!

The term “Eritreanization of Tigray” is not an officially recognized academic or policy term, but it is increasingly used in political and social discourse—particularly by critics of Eritrea’s role in the Tigray War (2020–2022)—to describe what they perceive as efforts by Eritrea and its leadership under President Isaias Afwerki to exert influence over, control, or even culturally assimilate parts of the Tigray region in northern Ethiopia and expand Eritreanism of fascist Italian Regime.

Here’s a breakdown of what the term “Eritreanization of Tigray” generally refers to, and why it’s controversial:

🔴 1. Background Context

  • Tigray Warbegan in November 2020 between the Ethiopian federal government (allied with Eritrea and regional militias) and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).
  • Eritreabecame deeply involved in the conflict, with its troops entering Tigray early in the war, reportedly with the knowledge and support of the Ethiopian federal government.
  • Eritrean forces were accused ofwidespread atrocities in Tigray, including mass killings, sexual violence, and destruction of cultural and religious sites.

🔴 2. What “Eritreanization” May Entail

Critics use “Eritreanization” to describe the following perceived actions or ambitions:

a. Military Occupation

  • Eritrean troops reportedly occupied large parts of northern and western Tigray, including towns such asAxum, Adwa, and Shire.
  • There have been claims of along-term military presence, not just tactical intervention.

b. Cultural & Historical Suppression

  • Destruction or looting of historical Ethiopian Orthodox churches and monasteries (e.g., in Axum), which are closely tied to Tigrayan identity.
  • Attempts toundermine Tigrayan cultural heritage and rewrite narratives—possibly to diminish Tigray’s historical role in Ethiopian statehood.

c. Ethnic Cleansing & Demographic Shifts

  • International human rights organizations (e.g., Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch) have documentedmass killings, forced displacement, and ethnic targeting of Tigrayans.
  • Some view this as a way todepopulate or change the ethnic makeup of contested areas.

d. Strategic Control

  • Eritrea may seek tocontrol Tigray’s border zones, particularly those that are economically or militarily strategic.
  • Some analysts believe President Isaias Afwerki aims toweaken Tigray as a political force in Ethiopia permanently.

🔴 3. Motivations Behind Eritrea’s Involvement

  • Historical rivalry: The TPLF and Isaias Afwerki’s regime were once allies during Eritrea’s independence war but later became bitter enemies, especially after the1998–2000 Eritrea-Ethiopia war.
  • Isaias may view thedestruction of the TPLF and weakening of Tigray as a strategic imperative for Eritrea’s security and regional dominance.
  • Some interpret his actions asrevenge-driven, while others see a broader imperialistic ambition in Ethiopia’s internal affairs.

🔴 4. Controversies & Criticism

  • The idea of “Eritreanization” is politically charged and heavily contested.
  • TheEthiopian government initially denied Eritrean involvement but later admitted it under pressure.
  • Tigrayan sources, diasporic voices, and some international observers see Eritrea’s actions asneocolonial and destabilizing.
  • Others argue it’s anoverstatement or propaganda tool used by opponents of the Ethiopian and Eritrean governments.

🔴 5. International Reaction

  • TheUN, EU, and U.S. have called for the withdrawal of Eritrean forces from Ethiopia and accused them of committing war crimes.
  • Eritrea continues to reject international investigations, adding to global concern about its regional role.

🟡 In Summary

The “Eritreanization of Tigray” refers to alleged efforts by the Eritrean regime to militarily, politically, and culturally dominate or transform parts of the Tigray region, often through violent means. It’s a term born of recent conflict and remains highly politicized and controversial.

Here are several authoritative reports, academic sources, and human rights investigations that document the phenomenon sometimes referred to as the “Eritreanization of Tigray”—namely, Eritrean military involvement in Tigray and its associated abuses:

Human Rights Reports & Investigations

Amnesty International

  • “Today or Tomorrow, They Should Be Brought Before Justice”(2023)
    Documents war crimes and possible crimes against humanity committed by Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF) in Tigray both before and after the November 2022 Cessation of Hostilities Agreement. This includes rape, sexual slavery, extrajudicial killings, and looting—including dozens of civilian executions in Mariam Shewito and Kokob Tsibah districts. Amnesty International
  • In aSeptember 2023 Al Jazeera news report summarizing Amnesty’s findings, the EDF is accused of “extrajudicially executing civilians and sexually enslaving women for months after the signing of a peace agreement,” and these acts are described as potential crimes against humanity. Al Jazeera

Human Rights Watch (HRW)

  • World Report 2022 – Eritrea Chapter: HRW documents state that Eritrean forces committed widespread abuses—including massacres, summary executions, sexual violence, pillaging, destruction of refugee camps, and deportations—during their involvement in the conflict in Tigray.Human Rights Watch
  • Western Tigray Abuses (April 2022 report): Eritrean forces present in western Tigray (Humera, Adebai, Rawyan) are reported to have carried out looting, arbitrary arrests, sexual violence, and participated in roundups of ethnic Tigrayans alongside Amhara militias.Human Rights Watch

United Nations

  • The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) confirmed that grave violations possibly amounting to war crimes and crimes against humanity—including mass killings in Axum and Dengelat—were committed by Eritrean armed forces in Tigray.Al Jazeera

Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC)

  • Investigated theAxum massacre (November 28–29, 2020), reporting over 100 civilians killed by Eritrean troops, possible crimes against humanity. Witnesses told of door-to-door killings, body mutilations, hospital looting, and severe deprivation. Al Jazeera

The Sentry (Anti‑corruption Watchdog)

  • Reports that EDF forces may havetrafficked victims out of Tigray, possibly as slaves, and conducted systematic looting—including gold, antiques, and food—causing long‑term economic harm. Evidence includes bank‑transfer ransom schemes, cultural heritage exploitation, and illicit gold extraction. The EastAfrican

Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) & OJAH

  • Report (July 2025): Documents extensive systematic sexual and reproductive violence—including mass rape, forced pregnancy, sexual torture—by Eritrean and Ethiopian soldiers. Based on medical evidence from over 500 patients and interviews with 600 health workers; findings conclude the violence may constitute crimes against humanity and possibly genocide.The Guardian

The Guardian & El País (Recent Journalism)

  • Guardian (June 2025): In-depth investigations describe gruesome sexual violence: insertion of screws, spikes, plastic waste, and notes inside women’s reproductive organs, aimed at causing infertility and psychological harm—considered genocidal. Survivors continue to be denied justice and healthcare.The Guardian
  • El País (August 2025): Report titled“Nunca podrás dar a luz…” (You’ll Never Give Birth) based on 515 medical histories and 600+ surveys. It details group rapes, forced pregnancies, inserted objects, and STIs. 73 % of health workers observed that perpetrators explicitly aimed to prevent Tigrayan births, suggesting genocidal intent. El País

Academic & Verified Reference Works

  • Tigray: Atlas of the Humanitarian Situation (2021, Ghent University): Provides geographic and statistical documentation of massacres across Tigray.
    • Goda Massacre(December 2, 2020): 20 civilians killed at Goda glass factory by EDF.
    • Dengelat Massacre(November 30, 2020): 80–150 civilians killed in Maryam Dengelat church compound by EDF.
    • Ziban Gedena Massacre(December 4–7, 2020): 150–300 civilians killed by EDF.
    • Kola Tembien Massacre(February 10, 2021): ~182 civilians killed by ENDF and EDF.
    • Guh Massacre(May 8, 2021): 19 civilians killed (majority women and children) by EDF.

Summary & Suggested Pathways for Further Research

Key Themes Documented in the Sources:

  • Military Repression & Atrocities: Mass killings, extrajudicial executions, and systematic looting across Tigray by Eritrean forces.
  • Sexual and Reproductive Violence: Highly organized campaigns of gang rape, forced pregnancies, insertion of objects, and forced infertility, with potential genocidal intent.
  • Persistence Post-Ceasefire: Reports of continued abuses even after ceasefire agreements, especially around 2022.
  • Denial and Impunity: Repeated denials from Eritrean and Ethiopian authorities; international calls for independent investigations, but limited accountability to date.

Recommended Next Steps:

  1. Access Full Reports
    • Visit Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, PHR, OJAH, and The Sentry websites for full downloadable reports.
  2. Cross‑Reference Geospatial Data
    • Use the Ghent University atlas to map incidents and understand patterns of violence.
  3. Review UN & EHRC Documentation
    • UNOHCHR statements and EHRC bulletins provide verification and timelines useful for legal and scholarly work.
  4. Explore Academic Journals
    • Search for peer-reviewed articles in journals such as BMJ Global Health, African Affairs, or Journal of Genocide Research for deeper analysis and methodology.
  5. Monitor Follow‑Up Investigations
    • Keep an eye on developments from the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE) and any African Union–mandated inquiries.

🔴 Genocidal Rape and Reproductive Violence in Tigray

This theme combines strong empirical evidence, international legal relevance, and interdisciplinary perspectives (gender, law, conflict studies, and public health).

   Reproductive Violence as a Tool of Genocide: A Literature Review on Eritrean Forces’ Role in the Tigray Conflict

1. Introduction

The war in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, which began in November 2020, has been marked by widespread and systematic sexual and reproductive violence, with Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF) playing a central role. Emerging literature and field investigations suggest that rape, sexual mutilation, forced impregnation, and sterilization were not merely byproducts of war but part of a strategic campaign with potentially genocidal intent. This literature review examines how recent academic research, human rights documentation, and medical reporting converge around the argument that reproductive violence was deployed as a weapon of ethnic destruction, particularly targeting Tigrayan women and girls.

2. Methodology

This review draws on a combination of peer-reviewed academic literature, human rights reports (Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Physicians for Human Rights), and investigative journalism. Key search terms included “genocidal rape Tigray,” “reproductive violence Eritrean forces,” and “sexual violence conflict Ethiopia.” The review emphasizes the post-2021 period, with particular attention to survivor-centered studies and those using medical records as evidence.

3. Thematic Findings

3.1 Systematic and Targeted Nature of Sexual Violence

A convergence of reports confirms that sexual violence in Tigray was widespread and often systematic. According to a Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) and Organization for Justice and Accountability in the Horn (OJAH) report (2025), medical records from over 500 survivors reveal extensive use of gang rape, object insertion, forced impregnation, and mutilation, often inflicted in public settings or with perpetrators declaring intentions to “make you never give birth again.” These statements and actions reflect intent beyond opportunistic wartime sexual violence, indicating a campaign aimed at the biological destruction of a targeted group.

Amnesty International’s 2021 report, “I Don’t Know If They Realized I Was a Person,” provides corroborating testimonies of rape, physical destruction of genitalia, and ethnic slurs used by soldiers during acts of violence. The perpetrators, primarily identified as Eritrean and Ethiopian soldiers, operated with clear coordination and impunity.

3.2 Evidence of Genocidal Intent

The argument that this violence constitutes genocidal rape is grounded in both survivor accounts and legal analysis. Under the UN Genocide Convention (1948), acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group—such as imposing measures intended to prevent births—qualify as genocide.

The 2024 academic article by Alemu and Berhe, titled “Your Womb Is Our Enemy,” analyzes the use of reproductive violence in Tigray and concludes that the coordinated nature of attacks—especially those designed to sterilize or traumatize survivors into infertility—aligns with legal definitions of genocidal acts. The authors emphasize the systematic insertion of nails, spikes, and plastics into women’s reproductive organs, echoing findings from The Guardian and El País (2025), which documented similar medical evidence across multiple clinics and safe houses.

3.3 Medical and Epidemiological Evidence

A BMC Women’s Health qualitative study (2023) and a separate PubMed Central epidemiological study (2023) both indicate high rates of sexual violence in the early months of the conflict, including in areas under control of Eritrean forces. The epidemiological study found that nearly 1 in 10 women in surveyed conflict zones experienced sexual violence, the majority of which was gang rape involving multiple perpetrators.

Notably, 73% of healthcare workers interviewed in the PHR/OJAH studies reported that attackers explicitly expressed a desire to prevent Tigrayan women from giving birth—an alarming indicator of genocidal motive. Many survivors reported being infected with HIV and STIs, further compounding long-term reproductive and psychological trauma.

3.4 Comparison to Other Cases of Genocidal Rape

Several scholars and legal analysts have drawn comparisons to Bosnia (1992–1995) and Rwanda (1994), where rape was used explicitly as a tool of genocide. In Tigray, similar patterns emerge: forced impregnation, sexual enslavement, symbolic emasculation of Tigrayan men (via public rape of female relatives), and ethnically targeted sterilization. However, as The Guardian (2025) notes, the international legal system’s response to the Tigray case has been significantly slower and less forceful, raising concerns about regional bias and geopolitical inertia.

4. Legal and Scholarly Debates

While much of the literature aligns on the severity of abuses, some divergence exists in classification. Some legal scholars caution against labeling the violence as genocide without a formal tribunal ruling, citing challenges in proving specific intent. However, the Rome Statute (Article 6) and past ICTY/ICTR rulings have shown that patterns of reproductive violence can serve as sufficient grounds for prosecuting genocidal rape—particularly when combined with intent statements, medical evidence, and survivor testimony.

5. Gaps and Future Research Needs

  • Underreporting: Due to stigma, displacement, and destroyed healthcare infrastructure, the true scale of violence remains underestimated.
  • Limited Academic Access: Most published studies rely on third-party data or NGO reports, not in-situ fieldwork.
  • Lack of Prosecution: Despite strong evidence, no high-ranking Eritrean or Ethiopian commanders have faced prosecution at the ICC or AU level.

Future research should prioritize survivor-led documentation, longitudinal health impact studies, and deeper legal analysis on post-conflict reproductive rights and justice.

6. Conclusion

The available literature strongly supports the conclusion that sexual and reproductive violence committed by Eritrean forces in Tigray was not only widespread but conducted with intent to destroy Tigrayan identity and biological continuity. This pattern, as documented in multiple reports, aligns with international legal definitions of genocidal rape. The evidence demands urgent global attention—not only to prevent recurrence but to secure justice for thousands of survivors still denied recognition and care.

The alliance between the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) played a major role in reshaping the political landscape of Ethiopia, Eritrea, and the broader Horn of Africa (Eastern Africa) during the late 20th century. Here are the key impacts of their alliance:

🔷 Background: Who were the TPLF and EPLF?

  • TPLF: A Marxist-Leninist rebel group formed in 1975 in the Tigray region of Ethiopia, opposing the Derg (military junta) regime.
  • EPLF: Formed in the 1970s as a secessionist movement to gain Eritrean independence from Ethiopia.

Both groups fought against the Derg regime, led by Mengistu Haile Mariam, and temporarily allied in their struggle.

🔶 Key Impacts of the TPLF–EPLF Alliance in Eastern Africa

1. Fall of the Derg Regime (1991)

  • Joint military pressurefrom the TPLF and EPLF significantly weakened the Derg.
  • The alliance helpedtopple Mengistu’s regime in 1991.
  • TPLF became thedominant force in Ethiopia’s new ruling coalition (EPRDF).
  • EPLF took control of Eritrea and declaredde facto independence (later formalized in 1993).

🡪 Impact: Major power shift in Ethiopia and Eritrea, ending nearly two decades of civil war.

2. Eritrea’s Independence (1993)

  • The alliance enabled EPLF tosecure Eritrean independence
  • TPLF-led Ethiopia allowed areferendum, which led to Eritrea’s secession.

🡪 Impact: Redrew national borders in Eastern Africa; Eritrea became Africa’s newest state.

3. Short-term Regional Stability (Early 1990s)

  • Initially, Ethiopia and Eritrea hadstrong diplomatic and economic ties.
  • Peace opened up trade routes andregional cooperation (especially between Tigray and Eritrean ports like Assab).

🡪 Impact: A rare moment of collaboration in the often conflict-ridden Horn of Africa.

4. 1998–2000 Eritrea-Ethiopia Border War

  • Despite earlier cooperation, tensions over theborder town of Badme led to full-scale war.
  • Former allies became bitter enemies,devastating bilateral ties and regional stability.

🡪 Impact: Set back integration and economic growth in the region; led to militarization and displacement.

5. Long-Term Rivalry and Destabilization

  • The collapse of the alliance led to:
    • Persistent hostilitybetween Eritrea and the TPLF-led Ethiopian government.
    • Eritrea’sisolation and support for various insurgent groups in the region.
    • Ethiopia’s increasing internalethnic tensions and authoritarianism under the EPRDF.

🡪 Impact: Continued instability in the Horn of Africa, including proxy conflicts and refugee crises.

6. Legacy in Contemporary Conflicts

  • TheTPLF–EPLF fallout echoes in recent conflicts:
    • Tigray War (2020–2022): Eritrea allied with Ethiopian federal forcesagainst the TPLF.
    • The earlier alliance is seen as acautionary tale about ideological alliances without long-term trust.

🡪 Impact: Former allies becoming bitter enemies has prolonged regional insecurity.

🧭 Conclusion

The TPLF–EPLF alliance was instrumental in:

  • Ending the brutal Derg regime,
  • Leading to Eritrean independence, and
  • Reshaping political power in Eastern Africa.

However, the collapse of their alliance led to prolonged conflict, mistrust, and regional instability — a dual legacy of both liberation and fragmentation.

how the relationship between the TPLF and EPLF (Eritrea) has evolved after the Tigray War. Here’s what’s currently unfolding:

Post–Tigray War Dynamics: TPLF – Eritrea Relations

1. Fragmented TPLF, Shifting Alignments

Since the Pretoria Agreement in November 2022, the TPLF has deeply fragmented into at least two factions:

  • Getachew Reda’s group(the interim regional administration) portrayed as more conciliatory toward the federal government.
  • Debretsion Gebremichael’s faction, seen as hardline and nationalist.
    This split has generated a volatile internal power struggle.

2. Alleged Contact with Eritrea

Though historically bitter enemies, there are credible reports suggesting informal outreach:

3. Strategic Opportunism

Observers frame these potential contacts less as reconciliation, and more as “strategic opportunism”:

  • Eritrea may see an opening to exploit the TPLF’s divisions to weaken Ethiopia’s northern politics.
  • Certain TPLF hardliners might view limited engagement with Eritrea as a tool to pressure the federal government or solidify their own position.netEthiopian Tribune

4. Rising Risks of Broader Conflict

  • Tensions along the border remain high. Eritrea even ordered amilitary mobilization, and Ethiopia responded with troop deployments.Reuters
  • Regional analysts warn that theTPLF’s internal fragmentation and these Eritrea ties risk reigniting conflict—not only within Tigray but potentially between Eritrea and Ethiopia.Africa CenterInstitute for the Study of War

At a Glance

Issue Current Status
TPLF Unity Fractured into at least two major factions
Formal TPLF–Eritrea Alliance None—but informal contacts reported
Eritrea’s Motive Likely aimed at exploiting TPLF divisions
Risk Level Elevated—could destabilize the region again

Summary

While no formal alliance exists between the TPLF and Eritrea, recent developments reveal possible informal ties, especially involving hardline TPLF factions. These relationships appear driven by mutual strategic interests rather than ideological alignment. Given the fragile post-war landscape, these dynamics significantly raise the risk of renewed instability in the Horn of Africa.

Here’s a visual map from the Eritrean War of Independence era, which helps contextualize the struggle zones of the EPLF and neighboring territories—including Tigray where the TPLF emerged. Let’s break things down:

1. Visual Timeline (Text-Based)

1960s–1970s

  • 1960: Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) forms, grounded in Eritrean nationalism and some Marxist elements. Its aim: Eritrean independence.
  • 1971: Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) splits from ELF.
  • 1975: Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) forms, originally ethnonationalist, later adopting Marxist-Leninist principles.Deutsche Welle

Late 1970s–1980s

  • Late 1970s: EPLF and TPLF alliance is tactical—EPLF offers training and support to TPLF. But ideological and strategic rifts develop, leading to temporary estrangement in mid‑1980s.comMERIPEvery CRS Report
  • 1980–1981: EPLF decisively defeats ELF; becomes the dominant Eritrean liberation force.
  • 1987–1988: EPLF breaks the Derg’s lines; coordinates operations with TPLF. TPLF forms broader coalition (EPRDF).comACCORD
  • 1989: TPLF and EPLF jointly strike key fronts; TPLF seizes Tigray region.comupliftingourselves.com

1991–1993

  • 1991: Derg regime falls. EPLF takes Asmara; TPLF-led EPRDF captures Addis Ababa.RedditACCORD
  • 1993: Eritrea holds independence referendum; becomes de jure independent state.ACCORD

Post‑1993 to Present

  • 1991–1997: Period of close—but uneasy—TPLF/EPLF (Eritrean government) relations. Diverging long‑term goals reappear: Eritrea focused on independent statehood; TPLF aimed at Ethiopian political power.ACCORD
  • 2018: Ethiopia (under Abiy Ahmed) normalizes with Eritrea. EPRDF dissolves; TPLF opts out of new Prosperity Party.Anadolu Ajansı
  • 2020–2022: Tigray War erupts. Eritrean forces support Ethiopian federal troops against TPLF, souring relations once again.ReutersHouse of Lords Library
  • 2024: TPLF internal coup and leadership struggle unfold, with concern this could escalate regional tensions further.

2. Faction Ideologies

Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF)

  • Early roots in broad Eritrean nationalism; initially included Marxist-Leninist factions and conservative elements.
  • By late 1980s, shifted to a more pragmatic “National Democratic Program”: focus on self-determination, rights, and nonaligned foreign policy.

Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF)

  • Started with ethnonationalism (Tigrayan rights/liberation). Moved to Marxist-Leninist ideology with vanguard/democratic centralism, influenced by Hoxha’s Albania.
  • After USSR’s collapse, redefined ideology as “revolutionary democracy”—a developmentalist, guided democracy combining socialist values with state-led progress.

3. Regional Diplomacy and Projections

Historical Impacts

  • Alliance for Survival (1980s): EPLF–TPLF partnership helped bring down the Derg. Their cooperation indirectly redrew Horn of Africa geopolitics.ACCORDMERIP
  • Post‑independence tensions: Despite initial harmony, divergent state goals (Eritrean secession vs. Ethiopian federal control) set early fault lines.ACCORDHouse of Lords Library

Recent Dynamics

  • 2018 Peace: Abiy’s rapprochement with Eritrea reduced border tensions, but marginalized TPLF and shifted alliances.Anadolu Ajansı
  • Tigray War Fallout: Eritrea’s armed involvement against TPLF rekindled distrust—Ethiopia–Eritrea relations remain brittle, with border and flight suspensions ongoing.Reuters
  • Internal TPLF Split (2024): Leadership fracturing may invite external political maneuvering—Eritrea, Egypt, Somalia might exploit fractures to shape regional alignments.

Possible Trajectories

  • Continued Eritrean–Ethiopian Unease: Absent cooperative frameworks, there’s risk of renewed tensions or militarization in border regions.
  • TPLF Fragmentation: Internal divisions weaken unified representation, making Tigray’s political influence—and potential for peace—more fragile.
  • Broader Horn Alignments: Ethiopia’s instability could draw in regional players (Egypt, Somalia, Gulf states), either as mediators or opportunists.Reuters

Summary Table

Phase Key Events Ideologies Regional Diplomacy Impact
1970s–80s EPLF–TPLF alliance → Derg collapse National & Marxist roots merge New power balance in Horn region
1991–2018 Eritrean independence; harmony Distinct state and governance paths Stable but divergent neighbor relations
2018–2022 Rapprochement → Tigray war Clashes reignite; regional trust abandoned E–E relations fragile; Tigray crisis
2024 Onward TPLF internal coup Factionalism; ideological fragmentation Diplomatic instability & realignments

the ideological divergence between the EPLF and TPLF is a critical factor in understanding both their alliance and eventual fallout. Here’s a detailed comparison of how their ideologies started, evolved, and eventually diverged:

🧠 Ideological Nuances: TPLF vs. EPLF

1. Origins of Ideology

Aspect EPLF (Eritrean People’s Liberation Front) TPLF (Tigray People’s Liberation Front)
Founded 1970 (split from ELF) 1975
Core Base Eritrean nationalism Tigrayan ethnonationalism
Initial Ideology Mix of nationalism and Marxist-Leninist elements Strong Marxist-Leninist ideology with Albanian (Hoxhaist) leanings
Influences Anti-colonial African liberation movements; Maoism to a degree Hoxha’s Albania; Chinese communism; anti-revisionist Marxism

2. Similar Goals, Different Lenses

Political Objective EPLF TPLF
Self-determination Absolute independence of Eritrea from Ethiopia Autonomy of Tigray within a federal Ethiopia
Enemy Ethiopian imperial/centralist state Initially Ethiopian monarchy, later Derg regime
Governance Vision Independent, sovereign state Federalized Ethiopia with ethnic self-rule

Though both fought against the Derg regime, EPLF’s goal was separation, while TPLF’s was dominance within Ethiopia via a federal structure led by EPRDF.

3. Tactical Alliance, Strategic Rift

Despite shared Marxist language and mutual aid in the 1980s, key ideological rifts emerged:

  • Centralism vs. Pluralism:
    EPLF preferredcentralized revolutionary leadership—a single front for the national cause.
    TPLF, despite being authoritarian in practice, championed ethnic federalism—a structure giving theoretical autonomy to Ethiopia’s regions.
  • International Outlook:
    EPLF gradually abandoned rigid Marxism forpragmatic nationalism and non-alignment.
    TPLF shifted from Marxism to “revolutionary democracy,” a hybrid of developmental authoritarianism and Leninist party control.
  • Religious/Ethnic Composition:
    EPLF maintained amultiethnic and multireligious image to legitimize Eritrean unity.
    TPLF remained strongly Tigrayan-ethnic centered, even within the broader EPRDF coalition.

4. Post-Independence Evolution

Era EPLF (Post-1993 as PFDJ) TPLF (as core of EPRDF)
1990s Built a one-party state under PFDJ Dominated Ethiopian politics via EPRDF (1991–2018)
2000s Increasingly isolationist, authoritarian regime Pivoted from Marxism to state-led development model
Key Themes Militarism, anti-imperialism, self-reliance Developmentalism, ethnic federalism, centralized party control
Rhetoric Sovereignty, sacrifice, vigilance Growth, democracy, pluralism (but limited in practice)

5. Ideological Endgame: The Split in Practice

  • The1998–2000 Eritrea-Ethiopia Border War was less about ideology and more about power and pride — but the ideological mistrust shaped the breakdown:
    • EPLF accused TPLF-led Ethiopia of neo-imperial ambitions.
    • TPLF accused Eritrea of undermining Ethiopia’s federal project and sovereignty.
  • In theTigray War (2020–2022):
    • Eritrea’s support for Abiy Ahmedagainst TPLF was an ideological full-circle: the EPLF/PFDJ no longer saw TPLF as a revolutionary partner but as a regional hegemon threatening Eritrea’s autonomy.

🧬 Summary: Key Ideological Contrasts

Category EPLF (Later PFDJ) TPLF (Within EPRDF)
Nationalism Eritrean nationalism Tigrayan ethnonationalism, later pan-Ethiopian developmentalism
Marxist Foundations Yes, but diluted by nationalism Yes, with stricter early orthodoxy (Hoxhaist)
Federalism Opposed (favored unitary Eritrea) Advocated ethnic federalism in Ethiopia
Postwar Governance Single-party state (PFDJ) One-party dominance via coalition (EPRDF)
External Alignment Non-aligned, isolationist Development-focused, IMF/World Bank engagement post-2000
View of Each Other TPLF = Ethiopian state hegemon EPLF = parochial, obstructive, anti-Ethiopia

the Horn of Africa is geopolitically sensitive, and the dynamics between TPLF, EPLF (now Eritrean government), and Ethiopia’s federal leadership have created opportunities and risks that external players like Egypt, Sudan, and the Gulf states have been actively responding to and manipulating. Here’s how:

🌍 Third-Party Influences in the TPLF–EPLF Dynamic

🇪🇬 Egypt: Strategic Leverage via Tigray

Core Interests:

  • Nile water security— especially controlling or limiting Ethiopia’s dominance over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD).
  • Weakening Ethiopia’s central government to reduce leverage over Nile negotiations.

Approach:

  • Diplomatic alignmentwith anti-Abiy or anti-federalist factions — implicitly or tactically backing TPLF during the Tigray War.
  • Media & propagandasupporting narratives of humanitarian crisis in Tigray to weaken Ethiopia’s international stance.

Ties to TPLF:

  • While Egypt has neverformally supported the TPLF, there are signs of covert sympathies, especially during 2020–2022.
  • Egypt’s goal: pressure Ethiopia into concessions on theGERD by exploiting its internal divisions.

Ties to Eritrea:

  • Historically cold relations, thoughsome thawing occurred when both shared concern over Ethiopia’s growing influence.
  • Egypt may use Eritrea as abuffer state or intelligence conduit.

Bottom Line:
Egypt exploits TPLF-Ethiopian federal tensions to reduce Ethiopia’s regional clout and influence Nile negotiations.

🇸🇩 Sudan: Border, Refugees, and Tactical Ambiguity

Core Interests:

  • Al-Fashaga border disputewith Ethiopia.
  • Stability in eastern Sudan, which has been flooded byTigrayan and Eritrean refugees.
  • Internal political instability post-Bashir has made Sudan’s policy fragmented.

Approach:

  • Temporary alliancewith TPLF (2020–2022) as leverage against Ethiopia in the border dispute.
  • Hosting refugeesgave Sudan visibility and moral capital but also strained local resources.

Ties to TPLF:

  • Provided logistical access and safe haven forTPLF-affiliated refugees and fighters.
  • Shared cause during 2020–2021 border and military skirmishes.

Ties to Eritrea:

  • Sudan has historicallydistrusted Isaias Afwerki’s government, especially after Eritrea allegedly supported Sudanese rebel groups.

Bottom Line:
Sudan used the Tigray War to gain ground in border disputes and to extract concessions from Ethiopia, while keeping Eritrea at arm’s length.

🇸🇦 🇦🇪 Gulf States: Red Sea Security, Economic Ambitions

Saudi Arabia:

  • Interested inRed Sea maritime security, especially around Bab el-Mandeb.
  • Historically more aligned withSudan and Egypt, wary of destabilization in Ethiopia.
  • Facilitatedpeace accords between Ethiopia and Eritrea in 2018.

UAE:

  • Stronginvestment ties with Ethiopia and Eritrea.
  • Reportedlysupplied drones to Ethiopian federal forces during the Tigray War.
  • Supportsauthoritarian stability over democratic volatility.

Ties to TPLF:

  • TPLF viewed asanti-federalist spoiler and potential threat to Abiy Ahmed’s regime, which UAE favors.

Ties to Eritrea:

  • UAE usedEritrean ports and bases (e.g., Assab) during the Yemen War.
  • Sees Eritrea as astrategic launchpad in the Red Sea corridor.

Bottom Line:
Gulf states—especially UAE—are investing in regime stability and infrastructure, favoring Ethiopia’s federal government and Eritrea, while sidelining TPLF.

Summary Table of Third-Party Influence

Actor Supports Motive(s) Methods
Egypt TPLF (tacitly) GERD, weaken Ethiopia Diplomatic pressure, info war
Sudan TPLF (tactically) Border disputes, refugee leverage Border troops, hosting refugees
Saudi Eritrea, Ethiopia Red Sea security, mediation role Diplomatic channels
UAE Eritrea, Ethiopia Ports, military logistics, anti-Islamist stability Drone support, investments

🧭 Regional Implications Moving Forward

  • Multipolar tug-of-war: Horn of Africa risks becoming an extension of Red Sea rivalries (UAE–Saudi–Egypt vs Turkey–Qatar).
  • TPLF’s weakened state: With its post-2022 defeat and 2024 internal splits, TPLF is aless useful proxy, diminishing external support.
  • Eritrea’s comeback strategy: Isaias Afwerki may try toreshape regional alliances, pushing for more Gulf investment and anti-TPLF military arrangements.
  • Ethiopia’s fragile diplomacy: Balancing Gulf investment, Sudanese hostilities, and Egyptian pressure puts Abiy Ahmed in atight spot.

the proxy dynamics around the TPLF–EPLF conflict, especially during the Tigray War (2020–2022), are fascinating and critical to understanding how regional powers influenced outcomes. Let’s break down some key points:

⚔️ Proxy Dynamics in the Horn of Africa Conflict

1. UAE Drone Support: Changing the Battlefield Calculus

  • Background:
    • The UAE, aiming to expand its regional influence, supported the Ethiopian federal government under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
    • The Ethiopian military, while numerically strong, faced challenges in logistics, airpower, and precision strikes during the Tigray War.
  • Drone Deployment:
    • UAE suppliedarmed drones (possibly Chinese-made Wing Loong or similar models).
    • These drones enabledreal-time surveillance, targeted strikes against TPLF supply lines, and high-value leadership targets.
    • UAV strikes helped disrupt TPLF’s mobile warfare tactics, weakening their frontlines.
  • Impact:
    • Significantlytilted air superiority to the federal side, which had previously struggled with older Soviet-era aircraft.
    • Allowedsurgical strikes minimizing Ethiopian army casualties.
    • Deterred TPLF’s ability to gather openly or stage large offensives.
  • Strategic Gain for UAE:
    • Strengthened ties with Ethiopia and Eritrea.
    • Cemented role as amilitary-technological player in the Red Sea corridor.

2. Egyptian Media and Diplomatic Campaign: Internationalizing the Conflict

  • Media Influence:
    • Egypt leveraged its media outlets and diplomatic channels to highlight thehumanitarian crisis in Tigray.
    • Amplified reports of famine, displacement, and alleged war crimes to drawinternational condemnation of the Ethiopian government.
  • Diplomatic Maneuvers:
    • Egypt used forums like theAfrican Union and UN to call for ceasefires and international oversight.
    • This pressure sought toundermine Abiy Ahmed’s legitimacy and force Ethiopia to reconsider GERD negotiations.
  • Effectiveness:
    • Garnered sympathy and some humanitarian aid flows to Tigray.
    • Limited direct military or logistical aid but shifted thenarrative battlefield.

3. Sudan’s Tactical Support: Refuge and Rear Base

  • Sudan’s Role:
    • Offeredrefuge for Tigrayan civilians and fighters fleeing conflict zones.
    • TPLF fighters sometimes crossed into Sudanese territory to regroup or resupply.
  • Border Clashes:
    • Sudanese forces occasionally clashed with Ethiopian federal troops or militias, adding complexity.
  • Leverage:
    • Sudan used this to pressure Ethiopia on theAl-Fashaga border dispute, threatening to open a second front if needed.

4. Eritrea’s Direct Military Involvement

  • Eritrean troops, remnants of EPLF fighters loyal to Isaias Afwerki, actively fought alongside Ethiopian federal forces against TPLF.
  • Their involvement intensified the conflict and complicated peace efforts.
  • Eritrea’s military backing was decisive in several battles but also deepened ethnic grievances.

⚙️ Summary: Proxy Dynamics Impact

Proxy Actor Support Mode Impact Strategic Goal
UAE Armed drones, military tech Federal air superiority, precise strikes Regional influence, port security
Egypt Media & diplomatic pressure Internationalized conflict, humanitarian aid Nile water security, weaken Ethiopia
Sudan Refuge, tactical border use Added pressure on Ethiopia, logistical aid Border leverage, internal security
Eritrea Direct military intervention Shifted battle outcomes, intensified conflict Regional dominance, TPLF defeat

 

References

Alemu, M. G., & Berhe, M. G. (2024). Your womb is our enemy: The rape of Tigray as genocidal rape. Journal of BRICS Studies.

Amnesty International. (2021). “I don’t know if they realized I was a person”: Rape and other sexual violence in the conflict in Tigray, Ethiopia. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2021/08/ethiopia-troops-and-militia-rape-abduct-women-and-girls-in-tigray-conflict-new-report/

El País. (2025, August 12). Violaciones grupales, embarazos forzados y transmisión de enfermedades: los crímenes cometidos en Tigray para destruir la capacidad reproductiva de una etnia. https://elpais.com/planeta-futuro/2025-08-12

Human Rights Watch. (2021, November 9). I always remember that day: Access to services for survivors of gender-based violence in Ethiopia’s Tigray region. https://www.hrw.org/report/2021/11/09/i-always-remember-day/access-services-survivors-gender-based-violence-ethiopias

Levine, D. N. (2014). Interpreting Ethiopia: Observations of five decades.

Physicians for Human Rights (PHR), & Organization for Justice and Accountability in the Horn (OJAH). (2025). Broken promises: Conflict-related sexual violence before and after the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement in Tigray, Ethiopia. https://phr.org

The Guardian. (2025, July 31). Mass rape, forced pregnancy, sexual torture in Tigray were crimes against humanity, report says. https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2025/jul/31

United Nations. (1948). Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. https://www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/genocide-convention.shtml

Yohannes, M., Berhe, S., Gebremichael, Y., & Alemayehu, M. (2023). War-related sexual and gender-based violence in Tigray, Northern Ethiopia: A community-based study. BMC Women’s Health, 23(1), 1–13. https://bmcwomenshealth.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s12905-023-02502-0

 

 

 

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