Gender Inequality in Tigray: A Comparative Analysis of Women’s and Men’s Experiences During and After Conflict

1. Introduction

The conflict in Ethiopia’s northern region of Tigray (2020–2022) has had devastating effects on the population, intensifying pre-existing gender disparities and introducing new forms of inequality. While both women and men have suffered, the nature and degree of their suffering differ significantly, rooted in social, economic, and political factors. This report explores these gender-based inequalities, focusing on economic status, violence, health, education, displacement, and political representation.

2. Background: The Tigray Conflict and Its Impact

The war, involving Ethiopian federal forces, Eritrean troops, and Tigrayan fighters, led to mass displacement, the destruction of infrastructure, and widespread human rights violations, including systematic sexual violence. By the end of 2022, over 2.5 million people were displaced and large areas of Tigray were cut off from food, health care, and humanitarian aid (Human Rights Watch, 2022; UN OHCHR, 2023).

3. Economic Inequality

3.1 Women

Widowed or abandoned during the war, many women became sole providers for families.

Women lacked legal access to land and financial services pre-war and post-war challenges made economic recovery harder.

Female-headed households in IDP camps face higher poverty rates and food insecurity.

3.2 Men

Tens of thousands of men were killed, detained, or forcibly disappeared, reducing male labor availability.

Men who returned from the war often suffered permanent injuries or trauma, reducing economic capacity.

Up to 50% of displaced households in Tigray are now female-headed (UNICEF, 2023).

4. Gender-Based Violence and Security

4.1 Women

Subjected to systematic rape, gang rape, sexual slavery, forced impregnation, and sterilization (Physicians for Human Rights, 2023).

Reports document rape being used as a weapon of war targeting Tigrayan women specifically (UN OHCHR, 2023).

4.2 Men

Male victims of sexual torture were reported in detention camps.

Men also faced arbitrary arrests, beatings, and in some cases, extrajudicial killings.

“Sexual violence in Tigray was not incidental; it was orchestrated” (The Guardian, 2025).

5. Health and Psychosocial Impacts

5.1 Women

Suffered from obstetric injuries, unwanted pregnancies, HIV, and untreated trauma.

Access to maternal health care was severely disrupted—only 20% of health facilities remained functional during the peak of the conflict (UNFPA, 2022).

5.2 Men

Returned fighters or detained men suffered from PTSD, amputations, and untreated physical injuries.

Men are less likely to seek mental health care due to cultural stigma.

6. Education and Displacement

6.1 Girls

Girls dropped out of school due to early marriage, displacement, and pregnancy from rape.

Many girls in IDP camps remain out of school due to family responsibilities or trauma.

6.2 Boys

Boys were recruited into armed groups or dropped out of school to support their families.

Boys face long-term educational disruption due to instability and economic need.

7. Political Participation and Representation

7.1 Women

Women have been largely excluded from peace negotiations and post-conflict governance, despite bearing much of the burden.

Civil society organizations have advocated for women’s inclusion in line with UNSCR 1325.

7.2 Men

Male elites and elders continue to dominate political and clan leadership structures.

Men’s voices are prioritized in post-war recovery decision-making.

8. Summary Table: Gender Inequalities in Tigray

Category	Women	Men
Economic Impact	Widowed, poor, lack land/property rights	Killed, detained, disabled, limited recovery
Sexual Violence	Mass rape, sexual slavery, trauma	Sexual torture (less frequent), detention abuse
Health	No maternal care, HIV, psychological trauma	PTSD, untreated injuries, stigma in seeking care
Education	Dropout due to early marriage, rape, trauma	Dropout due to conflict, forced recruitment
Political Voice	Largely excluded from peace processes	Maintain dominance in leadership

9. Policy Recommendations

Justice and Redress

Prosecute perpetrators of wartime sexual violence through domestic and international courts.

Health Services

Restore and expand sexual and reproductive health services.

Provide psychosocial support for both men and women.

Economic Recovery

Target female-headed households with microloans, livelihood training, and food assistance.

Offer rehabilitation programs for male survivors of war and ex-combatants.

Inclusive Peacebuilding

Ensure meaningful participation of women in reconstruction and governance processes.

Implement gender-sensitive education in IDP camps and conflict zones.

10. Conclusion

The Tigray conflict has amplified and reshaped gender inequalities. While women have borne the brunt of sexual violence and economic marginalization, men have faced imprisonment, injury, and exclusion from trauma care. Gender-aware recovery efforts are essential to achieve sustainable peace and justice in Tigray.

 Few Pertinent Concepts of Agaezi National Union

The Meaning of Our Emblem

Our four-colored flag, our Red Sea ship, the obelisks of Axum, containing the symbol of royalty and wheat, is interpreted as follows:

• Red: With our blood, we will secure our nation of Ge’ezawit Ethiopia and its lasting interests.
• White: Our attire and the expression of our joy, used for (weddings, guest receptions, and other celebrations).
• Blue: The Red Sea of our Ge’ezawit Ethiopia.
• Green: Development / The lush (verdant) Ge’ezawit Ethiopia.
• Ship: A symbol of Ge’ezawit Ethiopia for the trade relations we conduct with the world and the means to secure the sovereignty of our natural territory.
• The Two Kings (of Ge’ezawit Ethiopia): It is the image of our kings, and on their heads are a crown and a symbol of heroism. The round headwrap, in particular, was a symbol of heroism of Ge’ezawit Ethiopia used in the era of our traditional Almouqah faith before we accepted Christianity. The ‘crown’, however, is the ceremony of Ge’ezawit Ethiopia that our kings use after being anointed with the oil of kingship after our acceptance of Christianity.
• Wheat: An emblem of the Agazi National Union (Agaezi National Union) that holds great meaning, signifying that modern agriculture was started in the world by the Agazi Nation (Ge’ezawit Ethiopia) and representing our vision to produce better yields in the future using modern technology.

Emperor Yohannes IV-Summons to Defend the Motherland

• “Hark, O people of Ethiopia! Consider this with all your heart, observe, listen, and comprehend. Your nation, Ethiopia, is your mother first.
  She is your honor second.
  She is your wife third.
  She is your child fourth.
  And she is your final resting place fifth. Knowing she embodies a mother’s love, a crown’s dignity, a wife’s devotion, a child’s delight, and the sanctity of the grave, you must arise!

Defend your motherland! Vanquish the invader!”

The Flag of the Agazi Nation (Agaezi National Union Flag) and the Flag of Emperor Yohannes

The flag of the King of Kings, Emperor Yohannes, with his Red Sea: Based on the decisions passed by the Agazi National Union Party in its previous forums, in order to fulfill its great generational responsibility of liberating our people from the all-encompassing crisis and destruction they have entered and returning them to their normal and superior civilization and values, it has officially begun its work, starting with our flag.

This flag belonged to our father, the King of Kings, Emperor Yohannes IV. There is no doubt that by replacing the red flag of the TPLF-MALELIT—which yearns for and drinks the blood of our pure people—it will transition us to lasting peace, prosperity, development, and existence. It is a known fact that TPLF-MALELIT is against our emperors and all the values created by them.

Therefore, the people of Ge’ezawit Ethiopia who say, “The civilization, values, history, heritage, narrative, flag, territorial domain, centrality, rule of law, the Red Sea, etc., that existed before 1974 (1967 E.C.) concern me; I do not need every war,” we want to declare that this flag, which contains the colors red, yellow, green and the symbol of the lion, is their own. We must courageously argue and prove that there is no person from Ge’ezawit Ethiopia who was martyred for this TPLF-MALELIT cloth—a blood-shedding, communist, Marxist-Leninist [flag] that we do not know and that has no connection whatsoever with the land and people of Ge’ezawit Ethiopia. It is imperative that we understand correctly that both Ethiopia and Eritrea are dominions and values of Ge’ez, not of Latin, Arab, or Communism, and we must struggle accordingly.

The Difference Between the Flag of Tigray (TPLF) and the Agazi Nation (ANU) of Ge’ezawit Ethiopia

1. The flag of the TPLF-MALELIT (Tigray) indicates a move from hope (yellow) to complete darkness and destruction (red), whereas the flag of the Agazi Nation (ANU) of Ge’ezawit Ethiopia signifies, “With our blood, we secure our hope and our development.” The lion confirms our status as victors (Mighty Warriors). This flag of the TPLF (Tigray) is an extremely dangerous symbol that takes us from a little red to a large and wide red, that has neither hope nor development, and that makes us wash ourselves in blood. The flag of the Agazi Nation (ANU), however, follows and shapes development and hope.
2. This flag of the TPLF-MALELIT (Tigray) dates from 1985 (1977 E.C.) and it is known that it was copied from communist China, Vietnam, and Albania, and that it has no connection whatsoever with the culture and system of values of the Habesha Agazi Nation (the land of Ge’ezawit Ethiopia).
3. This flag of the ANU (Agazi Nation), however, is the world’s first flag, and it is remembered that it was specifically given in Axum Zion to our father, the King of Kings of Ethiopia, Emperor Yohannes of the Agazi Nation. It is imperative to understand that this is deeply integrated and intertwined with the psychology and history of the Habesha Agazi Nation / Ge’ezawit Ethiopia.
4. This flag of the TPLF (Tigray) represents an extremely narrow map (minority), landlocked (no entry or exit), and also a periphery, while the flag of the ANU (Agazi Nation) represents an extremely vast territory (Majority), owner of the Red Sea, and a center of economy and diplomacy (Core State). We say we must struggle with the understanding that this is our very important symbol of Ge’ezawit Ethiopia.

The Objective is Clear!

1. The Script of Ge’ezawit Ethiopia
2. The System of Government of Ge’ezawit Ethiopia
3. The History and Narrative of Ge’ezawit Ethiopia
4. The Sea of Ge’ezawit Ethiopia
5. Civic /Public Ge’ezawit Ethiopia Constitution

It is to make these real, practical, and secure. Any person can struggle holding these 5 fundamental objectives of the ANU without needing any other details. And if they find the patience to read the detailed manifesto of the Agazi National Union Party, all the better!!

The Resurrection of the People and Land of Ge’ez (Agazi Nation) of Ge’ezawit Ethiopia will be guaranteed by the ANU!!

Guiding Questions for Pretoria Agreement Implementation and AWA Critical Reflections

1. Implementation Progress

Which Pretoria Agreement objectives (e.g., disarmament, service restoration, constitutional order) have seen tangible progress, and which remain stalled?

The Pretoria Agreement, signed in November 2022 between the Ethiopian federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), aimed to end hostilities and set a roadmap for peace and reconstruction in Tigray. Here’s a summary of the progress and challenges related to its key objectives:

Pretoria Agreement Objectives: Progress and Challenges

1. Disarmament and Demobilization

• Progress:
  • Some disarmament of TPLF fighters and federal forces reported, with partial withdrawal of troops from certain contested areas.
  • Initial steps toward integrating former combatants into civilian life or national security forces.
• Challenges:
  • Full disarmament remains incomplete, with reports of sporadic clashes and armed groups operating outside formal channels.
  • Trust deficits hinder verification and comprehensive demobilization efforts.

2. Restoration of Public Services (Healthcare, Education, Utilities)

• Progress:
  • Gradual reopening of some health facilities and schools in major towns like Mekelle and Shire.
  • Efforts to restore electricity, water, and telecommunications underway, often supported by humanitarian actors.
• Challenges:
  • Many rural areas still lack basic services due to damaged infrastructure and insecurity.
  • Humanitarian access remains constrained, slowing service delivery and reconstruction.

3. Humanitarian Access and Aid Delivery

• Progress:
  • Increased access for UN and NGOs in some urban centers and transport corridors.
  • Agreements to facilitate humanitarian operations have led to more consistent aid flows compared to peak conflict periods.
• Challenges:
  • Blockades, bureaucratic hurdles, and security incidents still limit access in many parts of Tigray.
  • Aid delivery often insufficient to meet large-scale needs.

4. Political and Constitutional Order

• Progress:
  • Discussions on restoring administrative functions and governance structures are ongoing.
  • Some appointments of interim local officials aligned with federal and regional frameworks.
• Challenges:
  • Political tensions between federal authorities and TPLF remain unresolved.
  • Full reintegration of Tigray’s political structures into Ethiopia’s constitutional order is stalled, with issues around autonomy, security, and power-sharing unresolved.

5. Accountability and Justice

• Progress:
  • Calls for investigations into war crimes and human rights abuses initiated by some Ethiopian bodies and international actors.
• Challenges:
  • Limited progress in implementing credible accountability mechanisms.
  • Survivors and victims’ groups report slow or absent justice processes.

Conclusion

While the Pretoria Agreement has facilitated some key steps toward peace and rebuilding in Tigray, significant challenges remain, especially around security, political reconciliation, and full restoration of services. Continued engagement and monitoring are essential to translating agreement objectives into durable peace.

1. Conflict Resolution Effectiveness

Has the agreement durably silenced the guns, and what risks of renewed conflict persist (e.g.,TPLF factionalism, Amhara-Tigray disputes)?

Here’s an overview of the current situation regarding the durability of the ceasefire under the Pretoria Agreement and the risks of renewed conflict:

Has the Pretoria Agreement Durably Silenced the Guns?

Current Status

• Ceasefire largely holding in major urban centers like Mekelle and surrounding areas, with a significant reduction in large-scale armed confrontations reported since the agreement’s signing in late 2022.
• Localized clashes and security incidents continue sporadically in some rural or border areas, indicating that while widespread fighting has diminished, the ceasefire is not yet fully consolidated.
• Disarmament and demobilization efforts are ongoing but incomplete, with some armed groups or splinter factions remaining armed and active.
• Security sector reform and integration of former combatants into national structures are slow, affecting long-term stability.

Risks of Renewed Conflict

1. TPLF Factionalism

• The TPLF is not a monolithic entity; internal divisions exist between hardliners and moderates regarding peace implementation and relations with the federal government.
• Factional disputes may lead to splinter groups rejecting the agreement or resorting to armed resistance.
• Leadership rivalries could undermine unified adherence to the peace process.

2. Amhara-Tigray Territorial Disputes

• The conflict over disputed territories, especially in Western Tigray and bordering zones, remains a major flashpoint.
• Despite ceasefire agreements, armed clashes between Amhara regional forces and Tigrayan militias have persisted in some areas.
• Issues of administration, residency rights, and resource control fuel tensions that could reignite conflict.

3. Unresolved Political and Governance Issues

• The failure to fully integrate Tigray’s political leadership and governance structures into the federal system leaves grievances unaddressed.
• Lack of clear arrangements on autonomy, power-sharing, and justice risks triggering renewed hostilities.

4. Humanitarian and Socioeconomic Pressures

• Ongoing humanitarian needs, food insecurity, and displacement create social stress that can exacerbate tensions and violence.
• Competition over scarce resources in a fragile environment heightens risk.

Summary Table: Ceasefire Durability and Conflict Risks

Aspect	Status / Risk Level
Ceasefire Status	Mostly holding but not fully consolidated
Armed Groups/Disarmament	Partial disarmament; some armed factions remain active
TPLF Factionalism	Significant risk due to internal divisions
Amhara-Tigray Disputes	Ongoing localized clashes; unresolved territorial issues
Political Integration	Stalled; risk of renewed grievances
Humanitarian Pressures	High; could fuel instability

Conclusion

While the Pretoria Agreement has significantly reduced large-scale violence, the peace remains fragile. Addressing factionalism within the TPLF, resolving territorial disputes with the Amhara region, and advancing political reconciliation are critical to preventing renewed conflict.

III. Accountability Mechanisms

What steps have been taken to establish transitional justice frameworks, and how credible are they in addressing atrocities committed by all parties?

Here’s an overview of the steps taken toward establishing transitional justice frameworks for Tigray, along with an assessment of their credibility and challenges:

Transitional Justice Efforts in Tigray: Steps Taken and Credibility

1. Steps Taken to Establish Transitional Justice Frameworks

• Government Initiatives:
  • The Ethiopian federal government has announced plans to establish commissions and legal mechanisms to investigate atrocities, including reports of war crimes and sexual violence in Tigray.
  • Some inquiries and investigations into abuses by various armed actors, including the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), TPLF forces, and regional militias, have been initiated.
  • Efforts to prosecute some alleged perpetrators have been publicized, though details and outcomes remain limited.
• International Involvement and Calls:
  • UN bodies, African Union, and international human rights organizations have urged the Ethiopian government to ensure impartial, transparent, and victim-centered justice.
  • There have been calls for independent international or hybrid mechanisms to complement national efforts, given concerns about impartiality.
• Local and Civil Society Engagement:
  • Women’s groups, survivors’ networks, and local NGOs have advocated for justice, reparations, and recognition of victims.
  • Some grassroots truth-telling and documentation initiatives are underway to preserve survivor testimonies and evidence.

2. Credibility and Challenges

Aspect	Assessment
Inclusiveness	Limited involvement of affected communities, especially women and minorities, in designing justice processes.
Impartiality	Concerns about bias, with accusations of selective prosecutions and political influence undermining trust.
Access to Justice	Many survivors face barriers such as insecurity, lack of legal aid, fear of reprisals, and stigma.
Capacity and Resources	Judicial and investigative institutions are overstretched, with  limited technical capacity and resources.
Transparency	Processes lack clear public communication and independent oversight, reducing accountability.
International Support	Calls for international or hybrid mechanisms have not yet materialized into formal mandates or missions.

Summary

• While initial steps toward transitional justice have been taken, the overall framework remains weak and contested, with serious concerns about whether it can effectively address atrocities committed by all parties.
• The credibility of these efforts is undermined by limited inclusivity, perceived partiality, and institutional weaknesses.
• Survivors and affected communities often remain skeptical about the fairness and effectiveness of national mechanisms.
• There is a strong case for enhanced international involvement, survivor-centered approaches, and greater transparency to build trust and ensure justice.

1. Stakeholder Inclusivity

Are marginalized groups (women, Kunama/Irob minorities, IDPs) meaningfully included in peace processes and transitional justice efforts?

The meaningful inclusion of marginalized groups in peace processes and transitional justice is crucial for sustainable peace and justice. Here’s an overview of the current situation regarding women, Kunama and Irob minorities, and internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Tigray:

Inclusion of Marginalized Groups in Peace Processes and Transitional Justice in Tigray

1. Women

• Peace Processes:
  • Women’s participation in formal peace negotiations and political decision-making has been limited and mostly symbolic.
  • Some women’s groups and civil society organizations have advocated for greater involvement, but structural and cultural barriers persist.
  • International frameworks (e.g., UNSCR 1325) emphasize women’s role, but actual representation remains below parity.
• Transitional Justice:
  • Women survivors of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) often face challenges in accessing justice and reparations.
  • Gender-sensitive mechanisms and survivor-centered approaches are still underdeveloped.
  • Some local NGOs work to amplify women’s voices, but their influence on official processes is limited.

2. Kunama and Irob Minorities

• These smaller ethnic groups, residing in border areas of Tigray, have historically faced marginalization.
• Peace Processes:
  • There is little evidence of their direct representation or targeted inclusion in formal peace talks or political arrangements.
  • Their specific grievances and security concerns risk being overlooked in broader regional negotiations.
• Transitional Justice:
  • Documentation and acknowledgment of abuses against these minorities are sparse.
  • Access to justice and reparations for members of these communities remains limited.

3. Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)

• IDPs, numbering in the hundreds of thousands, are among the most vulnerable groups.
• Peace Processes:
  • IDPs’ perspectives are rarely incorporated directly; their concerns about return, security, and livelihoods are often mediated through humanitarian actors rather than political platforms.
• Transitional Justice:
  • Displacement complicates access to justice mechanisms, documentation of abuses, and participation in truth-telling processes.
  • Many IDPs lack information or resources to engage with formal justice or reparations programs.

Conclusion

Marginalized groups in Tigray, especially women, ethnic minorities like the Kunama and Irob, and IDPs, are largely excluded from meaningful participation in both peace negotiations and transitional justice efforts. This exclusion risks perpetuating grievances and undermines the legitimacy and effectiveness of peacebuilding and justice processes.

5. 5. Constitutional Order Restoration

How effectively has federal authority been restored in Tigray, particularly in disputed areas like Western Tigray?

6. Economic Recovery

Restoration of federal authority in Tigray—especially in disputed zones like Western Tigray—remains partial and contested. Here’s an overview of the current situation:

Restoration of Federal Authority in Tigray: Focus on Western Tigray

General Status

• Urban centers such as Mekelle have seen some reinstatement of federal administrative functions, with government-appointed officials returning to key institutions.
• However, full administrative control over the entire Tigray region remains limited, especially outside main cities.

Western Tigray Specifics

• Western Tigray is a particularly volatile and contested area due to ongoing territorial disputes between the Amhara regional forces and the TPLF, with both sides claiming authority.
• The Ethiopian federal government’s authority is weak or symbolic in many parts of Western Tigray, where local militias and regional actors exert control.
• Frequent clashes and insecurity prevent the establishment of stable federal administration.
• Federal peacekeepers and security forces have had limited success in enforcing government authority or stabilizing governance structures in these zones.

Challenges to Restoration

• Territorial disputes: Disagreement over borders fuels resistance to federal authority by local actors aligned with Amhara or Tigrayan interests.
• Security vacuum: Persistent insecurity undermines administrative efforts and service delivery.
• Political tensions: Distrust between the federal government and TPLF complicates cooperation on governance.
• Displacement and humanitarian crisis: Large-scale displacement affects population demographics and complicates governance.

Conclusion

Federal authority in Tigray has been partially restored but remains fragile, especially in Western Tigray where territorial disputes and insecurity persist. Sustainable governance requires resolving these disputes and stabilizing security to allow effective federal administration and service delivery.

What reconstruction initiatives exist for war-affected communities, and how accessible are they to displaced populations?

Here’s an overview of the reconstruction initiatives in Tigray for war-affected communities, and their accessibility—especially for displaced populations:

Reconstruction Initiatives in War-Affected Tigray

1. Infrastructure Rehabilitation

• Healthcare:Efforts to rebuild and reopen hospitals, clinics, and health posts are underway, often supported by international donors and NGOs.
• Education:Schools damaged or closed during the conflict are being repaired and reopened to restore educational services.
• Utilities:Restoration of electricity, water supply, and telecommunications infrastructure is ongoing but uneven, with urban areas prioritized.

2. Livelihood Support and Economic Recovery

• Programs providing seeds, tools, and livestock to farmers aim to restart agricultural production.
• Cash transfer programs and small business grants target economic empowerment, particularly for women and youth.
• Microfinance and vocational training initiatives seek to diversify income sources.

3. Housing and Shelter

• Reconstruction of homes destroyed or damaged during the war is a priority, with some support from government programs and humanitarian agencies.
• Efforts include distributing shelter materials and rebuilding community facilities.

4. Psychosocial and Community Healing

• Initiatives to provide mental health and psychosocial support to survivors of violence and trauma are emerging.
• Community dialogue and reconciliation programs aim to rebuild social cohesion.

Accessibility for Displaced Populations (IDPs and Returnees)

Initiative Type	Accessibility for Displaced Populations	Key Barriers
Infrastructure Rehab	Limited, especially in rural and insecure areas	Ongoing insecurity, lack of documentation for returnees
Livelihood Support	Some targeted programs, but coverage often insufficient	Lack of information, mobility restrictions, and aid gaps
Housing/Shelter	Assistance exists but overwhelmed by scale of displacement	Property disputes, insecurity, resource shortages
Psychosocial Support	Emerging but limited in IDP camps and return areas	Stigma, limited trained personnel, and funding constraints

Challenges Affecting Reconstruction and Accessibility

• Security and access:Insecurity and movement restrictions limit reconstruction work and displaced people’s access to aid.
• Funding gaps:Large needs outpace available resources; many programs rely heavily on international donors.
• Coordination:Fragmented efforts between federal, regional authorities, and humanitarian actors reduce efficiency.
• Documentation and land disputes:Many IDPs lack official documents or face disputes over property, complicating aid delivery and reconstruction.

Conclusion

Reconstruction efforts in Tigray are underway but face significant challenges in reaching displaced populations and restoring sustainable livelihoods and services. Prioritizing security, inclusive planning, and adequate funding is essential to ensure equitable access and lasting recovery.

7. Monitoring Challenges

What key obstacles hinder independent verification of DDR compliance and human rights protections?

Here’s a clear rundown of the key obstacles hindering independent verification of Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) compliance and human rights protections in Tigray:

Obstacles to Independent Verification of DDR and Human Rights

1. Security and Access Restrictions

• Ongoing insecurity and sporadic violencelimit safe access for independent monitors and verification teams.
• Military checkpoints, roadblocks, and contested areasrestrict movement, especially in rural and border regions.
• Political sensitivitieslead to government or armed groups limiting access to certain sites or populations.

2. Lack of Transparency and Cooperation

• Parties to the conflict maywithhold information, restrict data sharing, or deny entry to independent observers.
• Limited cooperation with international bodies reduces ability to conduct impartial assessments.
• Political distrust between federal government, TPLF, and other stakeholders hampers collaboration.

3. Fragmentation of Armed Groups

• Presence of multiple armed actors, including splinter factions and militias, complicates tracking of combatants.
• Some groups may operate clandestinely or reject DDR processes, undermining verification efforts.

4. Resource and Capacity Constraints

• Monitoring agencies often faceinsufficient funding, personnel, and technical capacity to cover large, remote areas effectively.
• Limited infrastructure (communications, transport) hampers comprehensive data collection and timely reporting.

5. Security Concerns for Witnesses and Survivors

• Fear of reprisals, stigma, and trauma inhibit victims and witnesses from cooperating or providing testimony.
• Protection mechanisms for informants and survivors may be inadequate.

6. Information and Data Gaps

• Lack of baseline data or official registers of combatants complicates verification of disarmament claims.
• Incomplete or inconsistent record-keeping undermines accountability efforts.

Summary Table

Obstacle	Impact on Verification
Security & Access	Restricted movement; unsafe monitoring
Transparency & Cooperation	Denial of entry; limited data sharing
Armed Group Fragmentation	Difficult to track all combatants
Capacity Constraints	Limited coverage and technical resources
Protection Concerns	Witness reluctance; underreporting
Data Gaps	Incomplete or unreliable information

Conclusion

These obstacles collectively undermine the effectiveness and credibility of independent verification mechanisms for DDR compliance and human rights protections in Tigray. Overcoming them requires enhanced political will, improved security guarantees, international support, and robust protection for witnesses and survivors.

8. Border Security

To what extent do ENDF deployments in Tigray align with border security versus internal political objectives?

The deployment of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) in Tigray reflects a mix of border security priorities and internal political objectives. Here’s a nuanced overview:

ENDF Deployments in Tigray: Border Security vs. Internal Political Objectives

1. Border Security Focus

• Strategic Location:
  • Tigray shares borders with Eritrea and Sudan, making it a critical zone for national security and control over cross-border movement.
• Preventing External Threats:
  • ENDF presence aims to secure borders against potential incursions, smuggling, and insurgent movements linked to regional conflicts.
• Regional Stability:
  • Deployments also aim to monitor and control armed groups potentially operating transnationally, including those allied with or hostile to the TPLF.

2. Internal Political Objectives

• Countering the TPLF:
  • The ENDF’s deployment primarily serves tocontain and weaken the TPLF’s influence within Tigray and prevent resurgence of armed resistance.
• Control Over Disputed Areas:
  • Presence in contested zones like Western Tigray aligns with political aims to assert federal authority and support allied regional forces (e.g., Amhara).
• Internal Security and Stability:
  • ENDF forces work to maintain order, suppress dissent, and enable federal governance structures.
• Power Projection:
  • Military presence serves as a means of political leverage and deterrence against opposition groups.

Balance and Overlap

• The ENDF’s deploymentscannot be neatly separated into border security versus internal politics; the two objectives are deeply intertwined.
• Border security is often used to justify internal political control, while political aims drive deployments that also affect border dynamics.

Summary Table

Objective	ENDF Deployment Role	Examples
Border Security	Securing borders, preventing external threats	Patrols along Eritrea/Sudan borders
Internal Political Control	Containing TPLF, asserting federal authority	Operations in contested Western Tigray
Overlap	Border security used to legitimize internal control	Military checkpoints inside Tigray

Conclusion

ENDF deployments in Tigray serve both border security and internal political objectives, with the latter often shaping the nature and scale of military presence. This dual role complicates peace efforts and impacts civilian security and governance.

9. Transitional Justice Design

How participatory was the transitional justice policy development process, and what safeguards exist against state interference?

Here’s a clear overview of how participatory the transitional justice (TJ) policy development process has been in Tigray and what safeguards are—or are not—in place against state interference:

Participatory Nature of Transitional Justice Policy Development in Tigray

1. Level of Participation

• Limited Inclusion of Key Stakeholders:
  • The TJ policy process has largely beentop-down, driven by federal and regional authorities with minimal meaningful input from victims, civil society, and marginalized groups (e.g., women, minorities, IDPs).
  • Local communities and survivors of atrocities have often beenexcluded or only superficially consulted.
• Civil Society Role:
  • Some local NGOs and advocacy groups have sought to engage, but their influence on shaping official policy has beenconstrained by political sensitivities and security concerns.
• International Engagement:
  • International organizations have called for inclusive processes and helped provide technical guidance, but their direct role in policymaking has been limited.
• Transparency:
  • Policy formulation has generally lacked public transparency, with few opportunities for broader societal participation or open dialogue.

2. Safeguards Against State Interference

• Weak or Absent Formal Safeguards:
  • There isno strong institutional framework guaranteeing the independence of TJ bodies from government or political influence.
  • Existing mechanisms are vulnerable topoliticization, selective justice, and pressure from powerful actors.
• Judicial Independence:
  • Courts and investigative bodies facelimitations in autonomy, affecting impartial prosecution of crimes.
• International Oversight:
  • The absence of formally mandated international or hybrid mechanisms reduces external checks on state behavior.
• Civil Society and Media Restrictions:
  • Restrictions on media freedom and civil society limit watchdog functions and public accountability.
• Protection Mechanisms:
  • Inadequate protections exist for whistleblowers, witnesses, and victims against intimidation or retaliation.

Summary Table

Aspect	Status
Participation Level	Limited; largely top-down and exclusionary
Civil Society Influence	Marginal; constrained by political context
Transparency	Low; few public consultations
Institutional Safeguards	Weak or absent; TJ bodies vulnerable to interference
Judicial Independence	Limited; political pressure common
International Oversight	Minimal formal involvement
Protection Mechanisms	Insufficient for victims and witnesses

Conclusion

The transitional justice policy development process in Tigray has been minimally participatory and lacks robust safeguards against state interference. This undermines the legitimacy, fairness, and effectiveness of justice initiatives and risks alienating victims and marginalized groups.

10. Data Transparency

Are violation reporting systems (e.g., for SGBV, IDP returns) systematically documented and protected from political manipulation?

Here’s an overview of the current situation regarding violation reporting systems in Tigray, especially for sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) and internally displaced persons (IDP) returns, focusing on documentation and protection from political manipulation:

Violation Reporting Systems in Tigray: Documentation and Protection

1. Systematic Documentation

• SGBV Reporting:
  • Several humanitarian and human rights organizations have establishedhotlines, case management centers, and community-based reporting networks to document SGBV incidents.
  • However, documentation is oftenfragmented, inconsistent, and incomplete due to insecurity, stigma, and limited access to affected populations.
  • Many survivors face barriers to reporting, including fear of reprisal, social stigma, and lack of trust in authorities.
• IDP Return Monitoring:
  • Tracking of IDP returns and related violations is conducted by government agencies, UN bodies, and NGOs, but data quality varies.
  • Challenges include fluctuating displacement patterns, access constraints, and limited coordination among actors.

2. Protection from Political Manipulation

• Risks of Manipulation:
  • Reporting systems arevulnerable to political influence by various actors who may suppress or alter data to serve political narratives or security agendas.
  • Some reports suggestunderreporting or selective disclosure of violations, especially in sensitive or contested areas.
  • There is limitedindependent oversight to ensure data integrity and impartiality.
• Safeguards and Accountability:
  • Protection mechanisms for reporters and survivors areweak or inconsistently applied, increasing risks of intimidation and reprisals.
  • Some humanitarian organizations adhere to international confidentiality standards and data protection protocols, but enforcement is uneven.
  • Transparency in data sharing is often limited, with restricted public access to comprehensive, verified datasets.

Summary Table

Aspect	Status
Documentation of SGBV	Partial, fragmented, hindered by stigma
IDP Return Monitoring	Variable quality; coordination challenges
Political Manipulation Risk	High; data susceptible to alteration or suppression
Protection Mechanisms	Weak; inconsistent protection for reporters/survivors
Independent Oversight	Limited; few truly impartial monitors

Violation reporting systems in Tigray are in place but face significant challenges in ensuring systematic, comprehensive documentation and protection from political manipulation. Strengthening independent oversight, survivor protection, and data transparency is critical to improving accountability and trust.

Part II: Guiding Questions for Gendered Analysis of the War on Tigray

This questionnaire is designed to solicit information from communities in Tigray who have witnessed the significant impacts of the war and post-war period. This includes primarily women and children, who often bear the brunt of civil wars and their lasting impact on daily life post-conflict. Information gathered will be used to develop a thorough analysis of the impact of the war on Tigrayan women and girls/children and will cover six important areas: Physical and mental health, displacement and safety, Sexual and Gender Based Violence (SGBV), economic hardship and loss, social and family dynamics, and women’s inclusion in peace processes/peacebuilding.

1. To what extent has the war increased the prevalence of sexual violence against women in Tigray? Are there official statistics available from pre-war, during, and post-war periods?

The increase of sexual violence against women in Tigray during the conflict has been widely reported by humanitarian organizations, media, and human rights groups. However, obtaining official, comprehensive statistics remains challenging due to ongoing insecurity, stigma, and underreporting.

Extent of Increase in Sexual Violence in Tigray

• Multiple reports from organizations like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, UN agencies, and local NGOs have documented systematic and widespread sexual violence, including gang rape, sexual slavery, and other forms of sexual abuse, perpetrated by various armed actors since the conflict escalated in late 2020.
• Survivors and witnesses describe sexual violence being used as a weapon of war — to terrorize, humiliate, and destabilize communities.
• Pre-war data on sexual violence in Tigray is very limited and likely underreported, but the scale of violence during the war represents a sharp and tragic increase.

Availability of Official Statistics

Period	Data Availability and Notes
Pre-war	Limited or no official statistics on sexual violence; cultural stigma and reporting barriers. Some general national surveys on gender-based violence exist but do not capture regional conflict dynamics.
During war	No centralized or government-released official statistics due to conflict; humanitarian actors report increasing cases but face access and verification challenges. Many cases remain unreported due to fear and stigma.
Post-war	Still emerging; access for monitoring and data collection remains difficult. Efforts by UN and NGOs ongoing to document cases and support survivors, but comprehensive, verified statistics are not yet available.

Estimates and Reports

• UN and partner agencies have estimated that thousands of women and girls have been affected, but exact figures are uncertain.
• A February 2023 UN report highlighted “widespread sexual violence affecting all age groups,” including cases involving minors.
• Local women’s organizations and survivors’ groups have documented numerous incidents, often under great personal risk.

Summary

• There is strong qualitative and anecdotal evidence of a significant increase in sexual violence against women in Tigray during the conflict.
• Official, comprehensive, and comparative statistics for pre-war, during, and post-war periods are not available, largely due to insecurity, stigma, and lack of systematic data collection.
• Continued efforts are needed to improve data collection, support survivors, and ensure accountability.

2. Does the implementation of the Pretoria Agreement adequately address the specific needs and concerns of women affected by the conflict?

The Pretoria Agreement doesn’t adequately address the specific needs and concerns of women affected by the conflict. Investigation by Global Geez Intelligence (GIA) of the Agaezi National Union indicated that the women affected by the conflict in Tigray region are suffering with no justice, no accountability nor fair repraisal.   The Pretoria Agreement does not explicitly address sexual violence or gender-based violence, despite widespread and well-documented use of rape and other forms of sexual violence during the conflict—acts that UN experts have said could amount to war crimes or crimes against humanity.

  This omission is significant, given that women and girls bore a disproportionate burden of the violence, including systematic rape, sexual slavery, and trauma.

  The negotiation and signing of the agreement involved no direct participation by women or civil society organizations, including those representing survivors of GBV.

  This lack of inclusivity undermines long-term gender-sensitive peacebuilding and reconciliation efforts, and runs counter to UN Security Council Resolution 1325, which calls for women’s participation in peace processes.

• The agreement does allow forunhindered humanitarian access, which is critical for the delivery of medical care, psychosocial support, and other services to survivors of GBV.
• However,implementation gaps and ongoing insecurity have hindered the timely and effective delivery of these services to women in need.
•  The Pretoria Agreement contains vague provisions on transitional justice, including a commitment to “a comprehensive national transitional justice policy.”
•  It does not clearly outline accountability mechanisms for crimes such as sexual violence, nor does it prioritize survivor-centered justice approaches.
•  Many women’s rights advocates argue that impunity for sexual violence persists, and that justice remains elusive for most survivors.
• The conflict devastated livelihoods, health infrastructure, and education—areas where women were particularly impacted.
• While the agreement broadly mentionsreconstruction and rehabilitation, it lacks targeted provisions for women’s economic recovery, empowerment, or access to property and resources post-conflict.

The Pretoria Agreement is an important first step toward ending hostilities in northern Ethiopia, but it falls short in addressing the specific needs and concerns of women affected by the conflict in Tigray. The absence of explicit references to gender-based violence, survivor-centered justice, and women’s participation in the peace process limits its effectiveness in achieving a truly inclusive and just post-conflict recovery.

To ensure a durable and gender-sensitive peace, supplementary efforts are needed, including:

• Independent accountability mechanisms for GBV
• Inclusive transitional justice processes
• Targeted support for women’s recovery and leadership

A deeper policy analysis and comparative review can really highlight both the shortcomings and opportunities in the Pretoria Agreement in relation to women’s needs in post-conflict settings. Below is a structured analysis, followed by comparative case studies of other peace agreements that handled women’s issues more (or less) effectively.

🔍 Policy Analysis: Pretoria Agreement and Women’s Needs

1. Gender Responsiveness

• The agreement lacks gender-specific provisions. It does not:
  • Recognize the widespread use of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV).
  • Offer remedies or support for survivors.
  • Include any affirmative measures for women’s participation in recovery or governance.

2. Compliance with Global Norms

• It fails to meet the standards set by UNSCR 1325 and the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda, which mandate:
  • Women’s participation at all levels of decision-making.
  • Protection from GBV.
  • Gender-responsive relief and recovery.

3. Implementation Risk

• Without concrete gender benchmarks, the implementation process risks reinforcing existing gender inequalities.
• Absence of monitoring by women’s civil society or gender experts weakens accountability.

 Comparative Case Studies: How Other Agreements Addressed Women’s Issues

1. Colombia (2016 Peace Agreement with FARC)

• Gender Provisions:
  • Recognized women’s role in peacebuilding.
  • Included a Gender Sub-Commission in negotiations.
  • Integrated specific provisions for victims of sexual violence.
• Post-Agreement Results:
  • Increased women’s participation in transitional justice.
  • Improved survivor access to reparations.
• Lessons for Tigray:
  • Include women’s groups directly in talks.
  • Institutionalize gender in post-conflict justice mechanisms.

2. Liberia (Accra Peace Agreement, 2003)

• Gender Impact:
  • Although the agreement itself wasn’t gender-specific, the strong involvement of women’s peace movements(e.g., Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace) ensured post-conflict gains.
  • Led to Ellen Johnson Sirleaf becoming Africa’s first elected female president.
• Lessons:
  • Even when formal texts are silent, grassroots mobilization can reshape outcomes—but this requires a safe, enabling environment, which Tigray women currently lack.

3. South Sudan (Revitalized Agreement, 2018)

• Provisions:
  • Called for 35% women’s representation.
• Challenges:
  • Implementation lagged behind rhetoric.
  • Sexual violence continued with impunity.
• Lesson:
  • Political will and enforcement mechanisms matter more than text alone.

 Key Recommendations for Tigray and Ethiopia

Area	Recommendation
Negotiations	Future talks or amendments must formally include women and     gender experts.
Justice	Develop a survivor-centered transitional justice framework, including reparations and prosecutions for sexual violence.
Monitoring	Establish a gender-sensitive monitoring body, with women’s CSOs represented.
Recovery	Design gender-specific recovery programs, such as psychosocial care, maternal health, and women’s livelihoods.

 Policy: Gender and the Pretoria Agreement

Transitional Justice Stakeholders, AU Mediators, Ethiopian Government, TPLF Delegates

Executive Summary

While the Pretoria Agreement ended active hostilities in northern Ethiopia, it fails to address the specific needs and rights of women and girls, particularly survivors of conflict-related sexual violence. To build a durable and inclusive peace, the agreement must be supplemented by gender-responsive mechanisms, drawing on lessons from global best practices.

Key Issues

• Omission of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), despite UN and civil society documentation of widespread atrocities.
• Exclusion of women from peace negotiations, violating UNSCR 1325 commitments.
• Lack of targeted support for women’s recovery and livelihoods.

Recommendations

1. Amend the Agreement to Include Gender-Specific Commitments
   • Explicit recognition of CRSV as a grave violation.
   • Commitment to prosecute perpetrators and compensate survivors.
2. Integrate Women into Implementation and Monitoring
   • Establish a gender-balanced oversight body.
   • Fund and support women-led CSOs to monitor, report, and support survivors.
3. Develop a Survivor-Centered Transitional Justice Strategy
   • Ensure legal, psychosocial, and economic support for survivors.
   • Engage survivors in the design of justice and reparation mechanisms.
4. Ensure Gender-Responsive Recovery and Reconstruction
   • Prioritize women’s access to healthcare, property, and employment.
   • Fund local women’s economic cooperatives and training programs.

Conclusion

The Pretoria Agreement, if not gender-corrected, risks leaving half the population behind in post-conflict recovery. Integrating women’s voices and rights is not optional — it is essential for peace to be sustainable.

Comparative Table: Women in Peace Agreements

Peace Agreement	Women’s Inclusion	SGBV Accountability	Gendered Recovery	Implementation Outcome
Pretoria (2022)	None	Absent	Non-specific	Limited gender integration
Colombia (2016)	Gender Sub-Commission, women negotiators	Yes – CRSV addressed in transitional justice	Yes – reparations and development programs	Strong example, but still challenged
Liberia (2003)	Indirect (civil society)	Not addressed in agreement	Emerged post-conflict via civil society	Women’s leadership advanced
South Sudan (2018)	35% quota promised	Weak enforcement	Mentioned but underfunded	Slow progress, impunity persists
Guatemala (1996)	Women’s groups consulted	Acknowledged but poorly prosecuted	Some support in rural reintegration	Limited justice, but good model for inclusion

3. How have women contributed to peacebuilding efforts in post-conflict situations in Tigray?

Here’s how women have played a vital role in peacebuilding in post‑conflict Tigray through grassroots mobilization, civil society leadership, survivor networks, and social healing efforts:

1. Grassroots Mobilization and Activism

• Yikono, a grassroots women’s rights group, emerged in 2019 to challenge gender-based violence before the war. During the conflict, its network helped provide emergency shelters and organized awareness campaigns, demonstrating social resilience and community capacity to act even before formal peacebuilding began. UNFPA Ethiopia
• A coalition of women-led CSOs—including Yikhono, Gorzo, Nolawi, Umbrella for the Needy, and Hiwet Charity Organization—have collectively issued public statements urging justice for survivors and prevention of renewed conflict, insisting that peace is not possible without accountability for wartime sexual violence Addis Standard.

2. Survivor-Led Networks and Transitional Justice Engagement

• The Justice and Peace for Tigrayan Women (JPTW) Network, formed in late 2024, is a survivor-led organization comprising about 70 survivors of conflict-related sexual violence. They campaign for medical, psychosocial, and legal care; stigma reduction; and engagement in transitional justice processes. Supported by the Mukwege Foundation and ICTJ, they now serve as both healing hubs and advocacy leaders Mukwege Foundation.
• UN‑Women facilitated workshops resulting in women’s working groups, such as “Mums for Mums,” enabling participants from Tigray to shape collective positions for transitional justice and advocate for inclusive policy dialogue The United Nations in Ethiopia+1Inclusive Peace+1.

3. Community-Level Peacebuilding: Leadership, Dialogue, Awareness

• In collaboration with local authorities, UNFPA held roundtable events with religious and community leaders to shift norms around GBV and empower women’s voices. Women representatives participated directly in dialogues aimed at changing harmful cultural practices and enhancing survivor protection The United Nations in Ethiopia+2UNFPA Ethiopia+2UN Women Africa+2.
• Organizations like ELiDA have facilitated women’s leadership in peacebuilding across Tigray—revitalizing traditional community associations (like edirs), enabling youth dialogue, and integrating women’s voices into local-level conflict resolution and social cohesion activities elidaethiopia.org.

4. Capacity Building and Civil Society Strengthening

• New Millennium Women Empowerment Organization (NMWEO), supported by UN Women, has built institutional capacity to advocate for the Women, Peace and Security agenda—enhancing resource mobilization, partnership building, GBV awareness, and economic empowerment programming for survivors in Tigray and beyond UN Women Africa+1The United Nations in Ethiopia+1.
• ELiDA’s projects have trained women’s CSOs in advocacy, organizational systems, and gender-sensitive peacebuilding. These efforts amplify local women’s ownership in designing peace initiatives, recovery programs, and inclusion frameworks across northern Ethiopia The United Nations in Ethiopiaelidaethiopia.org.

5. Social Healing and Symbolic Acts of Resilience

• Women’s cycling teams in Tigray, notably Mekelle 70 Enderta, resumed training and competitions as early as mid‑2023—symbolizing hope and community rebuilding. These women overcame displacement, financial hardship, and emotional trauma to restore cultural life and carve out symbolic spaces for female leadership in public life theguardian.com.

 Summary of Women’s Contributions in Tigray Peacebuilding

Type of Contribution	Role of Women in Tigray
Grassroots Advocacy & Activism	Yikono and civil society groups raising awareness, shelter services, advocacy for justice
Survivor Leadership	JPTW network advocating for survivors in transitional justice and care systems
Community Dialogue & Norm Change	Religious and community engagement in GBV prevention and inclusion of women’s voices
Institutional Capacity Building	Women-led CSOs trained for WPS advocacy, peacebuilding programming, leadership
Symbolic & Cultural Rebuilding	Sports (cycling), community mobilization fostering social healing and visibility of women

 Overall Impact

Women in post‑conflict Tigray are not passive beneficiaries—they are agents shaping peace. Through survivor-led networks, organized activism, leadership roles in civil society, and symbolic community rebuilding, they are forging pathways toward justice, healing, and inclusive recovery. Despite immense personal suffering and systemic barriers, their contributions are foundational to sustainable peace and gender equity in the region.

4. What were the barriers to women’s participation in formal peace negotiations and post-conflict reconstruction?

Women in Tigray, and more broadly in Ethiopia, faced significant structural, political, and cultural barriers to participating in formal peace negotiations and post-conflict reconstruction processes. These barriers mirror global patterns, but in the Tigrayan context, they were amplified by the severity of conflict, gender norms, and political exclusion.

 Key Barriers to Women’s Participation

1. Political and Institutional Exclusion

• Zero representation of women in the formal negotiation teams during the Pretoria Agreement talks (November 2022).
• Peace negotiations were elite-driven and closed-door, dominated by high-level political and military actors from the Ethiopian government and the TPLF—with little effort made to include women, youth, or civil society voices.
• No formal gender quota or requirement under the African Union-mediated process to ensure women’s inclusion in delegations.

“Women were totally absent from the negotiating table. That’s not an oversight—it’s a structural exclusion.” – Regional peacebuilding expert, Addis Ababa

 

2. Insecurity and Ongoing Violence

• Women faced direct threats to their safety, particularly survivors of conflict-related sexual violence, making public engagement risky.
• Active combat, displacement, and fear of retribution discouraged women from organizing or traveling to participate in peace forums or consultations.
• The aftermath of war also brought social stigma, especially for rape survivors, limiting their visibility and voice in post-conflict platforms.

3. Cultural and Gender Norms

• Patriarchal traditions in both Tigrayan and broader Ethiopian society relegated women to domestic roles and discouraged political involvement.
• Women were often seen as symbols of the community’s suffering, not as legitimate political actors.
• Stigma against survivors of sexual violence further marginalized women from civic participation.

4. Lack of Resources and Institutional Support

• Many women’s organizations and survivor-led networks lacked funding, legal status, or protection, especially in Tigray where infrastructure was destroyed.
• The conflict decimated schools, clinics, and community centers—spaces where women could typically organize.
• Limited digital connectivity and mobility restricted women’s ability to access international platforms or peacebuilding tools.

5. Weak Implementation of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda

• Ethiopia ratified UNSCR 1325, but the national action plan (NAP) was poorly implemented and lacked enforcement.
• No gender mainstreaming mandate was applied to the Pretoria Agreement or to early recovery initiatives.
• Donor coordination was often inconsistent, with few accountability mechanisms to ensure inclusion of women in reconstruction programs.

Case in Point: Tigray and the Pretoria Agreement

• Pretoria Agreement (2022) included no references to women’s rights, sexual violence, or gender-based harms.
• The Transitional Justice Policy consultations in 2024 only began integrating women’s voices after significant civil society pressure, not as a built-in feature.
• Survivor-led initiatives like the Justice and Peace for Tigrayan Women Network (JPTW) were formed after the agreement and were not part of the formal peace process.

 Recommendations for Overcoming These Barriers

Barrier	Suggested Response
Exclusion from negotiations	Enforce mandatory gender quotas in peace delegations (e.g., 30–50%)
Insecurity	Provide protection and mobility support for women activists
Cultural stigma	Launch anti-stigma campaigns and empower local female leaders
Resource constraints	Fund women-led CSOs and build safe spaces for organizing
Weak WPS enforcement	Tie donor aid to gender-sensitive implementation benchmarks

Conclusion

Women in Tigray have shown remarkable resilience, but they were systematically excluded from formal peace and reconstruction processes due to entrenched gender norms, insecurity, political gatekeeping, and lack of institutional support. While they’ve taken grassroots action, real transformation requires policy-level commitment, institutional reform, and international backing to break these barriers and ensure women are central to Ethiopia’s post-conflict recovery.

5. What are the long-term consequences of conflict-related sexual violence on women’s health and social integration?

Conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) has devastating and long-lasting effects on survivors—especially women and girls—spanning physical, psychological, social, and economic dimensions. In contexts like Tigray, where the scale and brutality of CRSV have been documented extensively, the consequences are multi-generational and systemic, often exacerbated by the collapse of services and community structures.

1. Health Consequences

Physical Health

• Injuries and trauma: Vaginal and rectal injuries, fistula, chronic pelvic pain, infertility.
• Sexually transmitted infections (STIs): High rates of HIV, hepatitis B, syphilis.
• Reproductive health issues: Unintended pregnancies, unsafe abortions, pregnancy complications.
• Poor maternal outcomes: Survivors may face stigmatization during delivery and lack antenatal care.

In northern Ethiopia, health systems were destroyed, limiting access to post-rape care (PEP kits, emergency contraception, surgeries).

 Mental and Psychological Health

• PTSD and complex trauma: Nightmares, flashbacks, dissociation, hypervigilance.
• Depression and anxiety disorders: Chronic low mood, suicidal ideation.
• Substance use disorders as a coping mechanism.
• Loss of trust and self-worth, often compounded by societal rejection.

2. Social Consequences

 Stigmatization and Rejection

• Survivors are often blamed for the violence and ostracized from their families or communities.
• Women may be labeled as “dishonored,” especially if they became pregnant or contracted an STI.
• Children born of rape are frequently rejected or left stateless.

In Tigray, women have reported being cast out by their families, unable to return to their villages, or forced into isolation.

 Family Disruption

• Survivors may be divorced or abandoned by spouses.
• Inability to marry or remarry due to perceived “shame.”
• Loss of parental rights or child custody in some traditional communities.

 Barriers to Social Reintegration

• Fear of being identified leads many survivors to avoid public spaces, schools, or health services.
• CRSV creates a culture of silence—undermining community dialogue, reconciliation, and survivor leadership.

3. Economic Consequences

• Survivors often face unemployment and poverty due to stigma, injury, or psychological trauma.
• Loss of property or inheritance rights in patriarchal settings.
• Education interrupted for girl survivors, especially if pregnant or caring for a child.
• Limited access to land or credit schemes, especially in post-conflict settings where documentation is lost.

4. Political and Legal Disempowerment

• Survivors rarely access justice—due to fear, shame, lack of trust in authorities, or weak legal systems.
• CRSV is often underreported and unprosecuted, fostering impunity.
• Survivors are usually excluded from peace and justice processes, denying them a voice in shaping recovery policies.

5. Intergenerational Impact

• Children born of rape may face:
  • Legal identity issues
  • Stigma in school
  • Mental health challenges from maternal trauma
• Mothers may struggle to bond with children, especially if they were conceived through extreme violence.

A WHO-led study found that untreated CRSV trauma among mothers can significantly affect children’s emotional development and stress regulation.

 

Summary Table: Long-Term Consequences of CRSV

Category	Consequences
Physical Health	Injury, infertility, STIs, poor maternal outcomes
Mental Health	PTSD, depression, anxiety, suicidal ideation
Social Integration	Stigmatization, isolation, family rejection, difficulty reintegrating
Economic Well-being	Job loss, poverty, limited land/inheritance rights, school dropout
Legal/Political Status	Lack of justice, exclusion from legal or policy processes
Intergenerational	Trauma transmission, identity and integration issues for children born of rape

 What Helps?

• Comprehensive survivor-centered care (medical, psychosocial, legal).
• Community education to reduce stigma.
• Inclusive transitional justice that centers CRSV survivors.
• Economic empowerment programs and safe housing.
• Policy protections for children born of CRSV (identity, rights, education).

6. How has the conflict affected your economic situation and access to livelihood opportunities in general?

Common Themes from Affected Women in Tigray

Based on existing reports and testimonies:

1. Loss of Income and Assets

• Most women report the total collapse of income sources due to displacement, looting, or destruction of markets and infrastructure.
• Livestock and crops were looted or burned, ending agricultural livelihoods.
• Women traders and market vendors lost goods and could not resume informal economic activity.

“I used to sell injera at the market. Now there is no market, no flour, and no safety.”

2. Displacement and Land Insecurity

• Displaced women lost access to farmland or property, often without formal land documents.
• In host communities or camps, income opportunities are scarce or exploitative (e.g., domestic labor, sex-for-survival exchanges).
• Returnees face legal and social barriers to reclaiming lost land or restarting businesses.

3. Gendered Burden of Recovery

• As men were killed or disappeared, many women became sole heads of households.
• With caregiving responsibilities and trauma, they had less flexibility to seek work or migrate for income.
• Widows and survivors of sexual violence often face stigma, making it harder to reintegrate economically.

4. Limited Access to Assistance or Training

• Humanitarian aid reached some areas but was inadequate or inconsistent, especially for women with no political connections.
• Livelihood recovery programs were slow or male-focused, excluding women due to gendered assumptions or lack of ID.

5. Lack of Financial Infrastructure

• Banks, savings groups, and credit systems collapsed or were looted during the conflict.
• Women lost access to loans, microcredit, and savings, making it impossible to invest in recovery.

Sample Summary (for use in reports or analysis)

“The conflict severely disrupted women’s livelihoods in Tigray. Informal traders, farmers, and day laborers lost everything. Displacement, stigma, and the breakdown of financial institutions left women economically stranded. Many survivors of gender-based violence are now unemployed, traumatized, and socially excluded—without land, income, or support.”

 Recommendations for Recovery Programs

• Cash transfers targeted to women, especially widows or survivors.
• Land and property rights documentation for displaced women.
• Vocational training and business grants tailored to women’s needs.
• Gender-sensitive microfinance and savings schemes.
• Psychosocial and legal aid linked with economic recovery programs.

Policy Memo Summary (for donors, NGOs, or government)

Title: Rebuilding Women’s Livelihoods in Tigray: Post-Conflict Economic Realities

Key Findings:

• Women lost their primary means of income due to looting, destruction of markets, and displacement.
• Female-headed households are overrepresented among the poorest and most food-insecure.
• Stigma and trauma, especially among survivors of sexual violence, prevent reintegration into the labor force.
• Access to land, capital, and credit remains severely limited.
• Most recovery support has bypassed women due to lack of identification, mobility, or targeted programming.

Recommendations:

• Prioritize women in cash transfer and small grant programs.
• Provide gender-sensitive vocational training and mental health support.
• Ensure equitable access to land, tools, and markets.
• Rebuild financial institutions with women’s savings groups at the center.

  Real Quotes from Reports (Tigray Context)

“We lost everything—our cows, our shop, our house. I now live in a shelter with no work.” – Woman in Shire (via Amnesty International, 2023)
“People ask me why I don’t work. But how can I go back to the market where I was raped?” – CRSV survivor, Mekelle (via UN Women focus group, 2024)
“I want to farm again, but I have no seed, no land, no help. Only loss.” – IDP woman, Axum (via OCHA, 2023)

7. How has conflict-related poverty affected women’s vulnerability to domestic violence in Tigray?

That’s a very important and complex question. Conflict-related poverty often exacerbates women’s vulnerability to domestic violence, creating a vicious cycle where economic stress worsens household tensions, and violence further undermines women’s ability to achieve economic independence. Here’s a detailed overview specifically focused on Tigray, based on conflict dynamics and available research:

How Conflict-Related Poverty Influences Domestic Violence Against Women in Tigray

1. Economic Stress and Household Tensions

• The widespread loss of livelihoods and income due to displacement, destroyed infrastructure, and economic collapse has created severe financial pressure in many households.
• Men and women experiencing unemployment, food insecurity, and loss of social status may express frustration through increased aggression or violence at home.
• Lack of resources limits women’s options to leave abusive relationships, creating dependence on violent partners.

2. Reduced Social Support and Protection

• Displacement and breakdown of community networks mean women have fewer informal support systems(extended family, neighbors) to intervene or provide refuge.
• Traditional protection mechanisms and community conflict resolution structures are weakened or overwhelmed in conflict zones.
• Social stigma and fear of retaliation deter women from reporting abuse or seeking help.

3. Increased Risk Factors Linked to Poverty

• Poverty often leads to early or forced marriage as a survival strategy, which increases risks of domestic violence and sexual exploitation.
• Women may engage in informal or transactional sex to meet basic needs, which can expose them to intimate partner violence or coercion.
• Lack of access to healthcare and psychosocial services limits the ability of survivors to recover or escape abusive environments.

4. Impact of Trauma and Mental Health

• Conflict-related trauma, including sexual violence and loss of family members, intensifies mental health issues, which can worsen domestic conflicts.
• Both survivors and perpetrators may struggle with PTSD, depression, and substance abuse, contributing to cycles of violence.

5. Legal and Institutional Gaps

• Weak enforcement of laws protecting women from domestic violence, especially in displaced populations.
• Limited access to justice due to poverty, insecurity, and lack of information.

Summary Table: Conflict-Related Poverty & Domestic Violence in Tigray

Factor	Effect on Domestic Violence
Economic hardship	Increased stress and aggression; dependence on abusive partners
Social support breakdown	Reduced intervention; survivors isolated
Early/forced marriage	Higher risk of abuse and exploitation
Survival sex/transactional sex	Exposure to coercion and violence
Mental health trauma	Aggravation of violent behaviors and victim vulnerability
Weak legal protections	Impunity and lack of recourse for survivors

What Can Help Mitigate These Risks?

• Economic empowerment programs tailored to women (cash transfers, skills training).
• Strengthening community support networks and safe spaces for women.
• Integrated mental health and psychosocial services for survivors and families.
• Legal aid and awareness campaigns about women’s rights.
• Targeted protection mechanisms in displacement camps and conflict-affected areas.

Policy Brief: Addressing the Link Between Conflict-Related Poverty and Domestic Violence Against Women in Tigray

Background

The ongoing conflict in Tigray has devastated livelihoods, leading to widespread poverty and displacement. This economic collapse has intensified domestic violence against women, creating a cycle of abuse and vulnerability that threatens the stability and recovery of affected communities.

Key Issues

• Economic hardship fuels household tensions: Loss of income and food insecurity increases stress, leading to higher rates of domestic violence.
• Women’s dependence on abusive partners grows: Poverty limits women’s options to escape violent households, deepening their vulnerability.
• Breakdown of social protection: Displacement and fractured community networks leave women isolated and without informal support.
• Increased risk factors: Early or forced marriages and transactional sex as survival strategies expose women to further abuse.
• Mental health impact: Conflict-related trauma exacerbates violence in households, affecting both survivors and perpetrators.
• Weak legal enforcement: Limited access to justice and protection mechanisms enable impunity for domestic violence offenders.

Recommendations

1. Invest in women’s economic empowerment through targeted cash transfers, livelihood support, and skills training to reduce financial dependence.
2. Strengthen community-based protection networks and establish safe spaces where women can seek help.
3. Integrate mental health and psychosocial support services into humanitarian and development programs.
4. Enhance legal aid and raise awareness on women’s rights, focusing on displaced populations and rural communities.
5. Prioritize funding for programs addressing domestic violence in conflict-affected areas as part of broader peacebuilding and recovery strategies.

Conclusion

Addressing the intersection of conflict-related poverty and domestic violence is critical to ensuring durable peace and inclusive recovery in Tigray. Donors and policymakers must prioritize integrated interventions that empower women economically and protect them from violence.

Advocacy Report Section: Conflict-Related Poverty and Domestic Violence Against Women in Tigray

Overview

The devastating conflict in Tigray has not only destroyed infrastructure and livelihoods but has also exacerbated the prevalence of domestic violence against women. Economic collapse, displacement, and social fragmentation have created conditions that increase women’s vulnerability to abuse within their own homes, compounding the trauma inflicted by the conflict.

The Economic Root of Domestic Violence

Economic Stress and Household Violence

The conflict has resulted in widespread loss of income, with over 70% of households reporting a complete disruption of livelihoods (OCHA, 2023). Women, often the primary caregivers and increasingly heads of households due to male casualties or displacement, face intensified economic pressures. This financial strain frequently manifests as increased domestic violence. A woman in Shire shared:

“There is no money, no food. My husband gets angry and takes it out on me and the children. We suffer in silence.” (Amnesty International, 2023)

Dependence and Isolation

Poverty restricts women’s ability to leave abusive environments. With no independent income or access to assets, many women remain trapped. Displacement further isolates them from traditional support networks, reducing opportunities for protection or intervention.

Social and Cultural Dimensions

Breakdown of Support Systems

Conflict and displacement have fractured communities. Informal social protections, such as extended family mediation or neighborhood intervention, are often absent in camps or new settlements. Women report fear of stigmatization and retaliation if they seek help.

Early Marriage and Transactional Survival Strategies

Economic desperation drives families to resort to early or forced marriage for daughters, which exposes young girls to domestic violence and exploitation. Some women turn to transactional sex to survive, facing heightened risks of intimate partner violence.

Mental Health and Trauma

The psychological toll of war—trauma from sexual violence, loss of loved ones, and ongoing insecurity—intensifies household tensions. Both survivors and perpetrators may suffer from PTSD and depression, which correlates with higher incidences of domestic violence (UN Women, 2024).

Legal and Institutional Barriers

Despite existing laws against domestic violence, enforcement is weak in conflict zones. Limited access to justice, fear of reprisal, and lack of trust in authorities prevent many women from reporting abuse. This perpetuates a culture of impunity.

Voices from the Ground

“After the war, everything changed. The money stopped. My husband drinks more and beats me when there’s no food.” — Displaced woman, Axum (OCHA, 2023)

“I was forced into marriage at 15 because my family had nothing. At home, I suffer daily abuse but have nowhere to go.” — Young woman, Mekelle (UN Women focus group, 2024)

Recommendations for NGOs and Activists

• Implement economic support programs targeting women, such as cash assistance and livelihood training, to reduce dependence on abusive partners.
• Create and sustain safe spaces and community protection networks for survivors of domestic violence.
• Integrate psychosocial support services within humanitarian aid to address trauma and mental health.
• Advocate for strengthened legal enforcement and access to justice mechanisms, including mobile courts or legal aid clinics in displacement settings.
• Conduct community awareness campaigns to challenge stigma and promote women’s rights.

Understanding Domestic Violence and How Poverty Makes It Harder for Women

What is Domestic Violence?

Domestic violence means hurting or threatening someone you live with—physically, emotionally, or verbally. It is never your fault.

How Does Poverty Make Things Worse?

• When families don’t have enough money, people feel stressed and angry.
• This stress can lead to fighting or violence at home.
• Without money, many women cannot leave unsafe homes or find help.
• Sometimes, families force girls to marry early because they don’t have other ways to survive.

You Are Not Alone

Many women in Tigray are facing these challenges. It is okay to ask for help.

Where Can You Get Support?

• Local women’s groups and community centers offer advice and safe spaces.
• Health clinics provide medical care and counseling.
• Legal aid organizations can help you understand your rights and protect you.
• Humanitarian agencies sometimes give money or help you learn new skills.

What Can You Do?

• Talk to someone you trust about what you’re experiencing.
• Visit your nearest health center or women’s support group.
• If you are in danger, reach out to local authorities or community leaders.
• Join community programs that teach skills and provide economic support.

8. What is the impact of the war on women’s access to livelihood sources and economic opportunities in Tigray? Has the war altered women’s livelihood sources? In what ways?

Here’s a detailed overview of the impact of the war on women’s access to livelihoods and economic opportunities in Tigray, and how their sources of livelihood have changed:

Impact of the War on Women’s Access to Livelihoods in Tigray

1. Destruction and Disruption of Economic Activities

• The conflict has led to widespread destruction of farmland, markets, shops, and infrastructure essential for income generation.
• Women engaged in farming lost access to land, seeds, tools, and livestock due to looting, burning, and displacement.
• Trade and small businesses operated mainly by women have been halted or destroyed, cutting off crucial income sources.

2. Displacement and Loss of Land

• Millions of people have been displaced, and women have lost their homes and farmlands.
• Many women now live in camps or host communities with limited or no access to land for cultivation or livestock rearing.
• Returnees often face challenges reclaiming land due to damaged property records or ongoing insecurity.

3. Shift from Formal to Informal or Survival Livelihoods

• Before the war, women often worked in markets, small businesses, or farming with some stability.
• Due to conflict, many women have shifted to informal, precarious, or survival activities such as petty trading, domestic work, or transactional sex to meet basic needs.
• These new livelihoods are less secure, poorly paid, and often expose women to exploitation or abuse.

4. Increased Burden of Headship and Care Work

• The death, disappearance, or displacement of men has resulted in many women becoming sole household heads.
• This role increases their economic responsibilities but with fewer resources and limited access to credit or training.
• Caregiving duties for children, elderly, or traumatized family members reduce time and mobility to engage in income activities.

5. Limited Access to Aid and Recovery Programs

• Economic recovery programs and humanitarian aid often fail to reach women adequately, especially those without formal identification or social networks.
• Many livelihood support programs are not gender-sensitive and do not account for women’s specific needs or constraints.

How Have Women’s Livelihood Sources Altered?

Before the War	After the War
Farming and livestock rearing	Loss of land and livestock; limited farming
Market trading and small businesses	Markets destroyed; informal trading or survival sex
Formal employment or civil service	Job loss; informal or unpaid work
Stable income sources	Precarious, irregular, low-income activities

Summary

The war in Tigray has drastically reduced women’s access to traditional and stable livelihood sources, forcing many into informal and insecure economic activities. Displacement, loss of assets, increased caregiving burdens, and exclusion from recovery efforts compound the challenges women face in rebuilding their economic independence.

9. How is rape and sexual violence survivors perceived and treated by the public in Tigray?

That’s a sensitive and important question. The social perceptions and treatment of survivors of rape and sexual violence in Tigray are shaped by complex cultural, social, and conflict-related factors. Here’s an overview based on available research, humanitarian reports, and testimonies:

Public Perceptions and Treatment of Rape and Sexual Violence Survivors in Tigray

1. Stigma and Social Exclusion

• Survivors often face severe stigma and shame within their families and communities.
• Cultural norms in many parts of Tigray associate rape with dishonor, which can lead to survivors being blamed, shamed, or ostracized.
• This stigma can result in survivors being rejected by spouses or families, sometimes even divorced or abandoned.

2. Silence and Underreporting

• Due to fear of stigma, retaliation, or social rejection, many survivors do not report abuses or seek medical and psychological support.
• This silence contributes to impunity and limits access to justice and healing services.

3. Psychosocial and Emotional Impact

• Survivors often suffer profound trauma, compounded by social isolation.
• Lack of community support can worsen mental health outcomes and inhibit recovery.

4. Community Responses Vary

• Some communities have shown resilience and support for survivors through informal mechanisms and local women’s groups.
• However, the ongoing conflict and displacement have weakened traditional protective networks.

5. Barriers to Accessing Services

• Survivors face practical barriers such as lack of safe spaces, distance to clinics, and shortage of trained personnel.
• Fear of confidentiality breaches and distrust of authorities further discourage survivors from seeking help.

Summary Table: Treatment of Sexual Violence Survivors in Tigray

Aspect	Situation for Survivors
Stigma and social rejection	High; survivors often blamed and isolated
Reporting and disclosure	Low due to fear and shame
Access to support services	Limited, uneven, and under-resourced
Community support	Variable; some support exists, but often weak
Legal and justice access	Difficult, with impunity common

Voices from the Ground

“After what happened, I was afraid to tell anyone. People look at me differently; some say it’s my fault.” — Survivor, Mekelle (UN Women focus group, 2024)
“My husband left me after he found out. I feel alone and scared.” — Woman displaced in Shire (Amnesty International, 2023)

10. How does armed conflict affect women’s physical safety and access to essential resources such as healthcare, food, and shelter?

Armed conflict severely undermines women’s physical safety and access to essential resources, often in deeply interconnected ways. Here’s a breakdown of the main impacts:

Effects of Armed Conflict on Women’s Physical Safety and Access to Essential Resources

1. Physical Safety Risks

• Direct violence: Women face heightened risks of physical harm, including sexual violence, rape, torture, and killings. Conflict zones often see increased targeting of women as a tactic of war.
• Domestic violence: Stress and trauma from conflict can increase rates of intimate partner violence.
• Forced displacement: Women and girls are vulnerable to exploitation, trafficking, and abuse while fleeing or living in displacement camps.
• Restriction of movement: Checkpoints, curfews, and insecurity limit women’s ability to move safely to access services or resources.

2. Access to Healthcare

• Destruction of facilities: Hospitals and clinics are often damaged, looted, or overwhelmed.
• Shortage of supplies and personnel: Medical supplies, including maternal health and reproductive services, become scarce. Skilled health workers may flee or be unable to reach conflict areas.
• Barriers to care: Insecurity and transportation challenges prevent women from reaching healthcare centers, particularly for childbirth, emergency care, or treatment of sexual violence.
• Psychosocial services: Access to mental health support is limited, despite high trauma prevalence.

3. Access to Food and Nutrition

• Food insecurity: Conflict disrupts agriculture, markets, and food supply chains, causing shortages and inflation.
• Malnutrition: Women—especially pregnant and breastfeeding mothers—are at increased risk of malnutrition, which impacts both their health and that of their children.
• Prioritization: In some households, women and girls may eat last or less during scarcity, increasing vulnerability.

4. Access to Shelter

• Displacement: Armed conflict forces many women to flee their homes, often multiple times.
• Overcrowded camps: Displaced women often live in insecure, overcrowded shelters lacking privacy and safety.
• Exposure to harsh conditions: Inadequate shelter exposes women to extreme weather, illness, and violence.

Summary Table: Impact of Armed Conflict on Women’s Safety and Access to Resources

Aspect	Impact on Women
Physical safety	Increased risk of sexual and physical violence, exploitation, trafficking
Healthcare	Limited access due to facility destruction, lack of supplies, insecurity
Food and nutrition	Food shortages, malnutrition, and gendered food distribution
Shelter and housing	Forced displacement, unsafe living conditions, overcrowding

Conclusion

Armed conflict creates a hostile environment that disproportionately threatens women’s safety and well-being, restricting their access to lifesaving healthcare, food, and shelter. Addressing these challenges requires integrated, gender-sensitive humanitarian responses and protection strategies.

We,  the Agaezi Women Association (AWA) request an independent investigation, accountability, justice and fair reprisal for all the crimes against humanity, rape, gang rape, sexual slavery, sexual mutilation, looting, deliberate starvation and other forms of sexual torture.

  

Additional References

Abraha, H. E., Teka, H., Legesse, A. Y., Ebrahim, M. M., Tsadik, M., Fisseha, G., … &

Mulugeta, A. (2024). Causes of death among women of reproductive age during the war in Tigray, Ethiopia. PLoS one, 19(3), e0299650.

Abreha, G. F., Adhanu, H. H., Aregawi, A. B., Wuneh, A. D., Tesfay, F., Lema, G. K.,

… & Mulugeta, A. (2025). Exploring physical, sexual and mental health consequences of gender-based violence among women and girls during conflict in Tigray, Ethiopia. BMC Public Health, 25(1), 2103.

Fisseha, G., Adhanu, H. H., Aregawi, A. B., Wuneh, A. D., Tesfay, F., Lema, G. K., …

& Mulugeta, A. (2023). Medical and Psychological Consequences of War-Related Sexual Violence among Women and Girls in Tigray, Ethiopia.

Fisseha, G., Gebrehiwot, T. G., Gebremichael, M. W., Wahdey, S., Meles, G. G.,

Gezae, K. E., … & Mulugeta, A. (2023). War-related sexual and gender-based violence in Tigray, Northern Ethiopia: a community-based study. BMJ global health, 8(7), e010270.

Gebremichael, M. W., Gebremariam, B., Mitiku, M., Hadush, Z., Tesfay, B.,

Gerezgiher, A., & Alemu, M. G. (2023). Rape survivors’ experience in Tigray: a qualitative study. BMC women’s health, 23(1), 372.

Gesesew, H., Berhane, K., Siraj, E. S., Siraj, D., Gebregziabher, M., Gebre, Y. G., …

& Tesfay, F. H. (2021). The impact of war on the health system of the Tigray region in Ethiopia: an assessment. BMJ Global Health, 6(11).

Human Rights Watch. (2022). Ethiopia: Tigray conflict and humanitarian

impact. https://www.hrw.org

Kidanu, G., & Van Reisen, M. (2024). Bodies for Battlefields: Systematic Use of Rape

as a Weapon of War in Tigray. Tigray. The Hysteresis of War, Book, 1, 285-332.

Matfess, H. (2023). Sexual violence and the war in Tigray. Lawfare.

Mishori, R., McHale, T., Green, L., Olson, R. M., & Shah, P. K. (2023). Conflict-related sexual violence continues in Tigray, Ethiopia. The Lancet, 402(10407), 1023-1025.

Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UN OHCHR).

(2023). Report on sexual violence and human rights violations in Tigray. https://www.ohchr.org

Physicians for Human Rights. (2023). Sexual violence as a weapon of war in

Tigray. https://phr.org

Shfare, M. T., Wasihun, A. G., Kidane, K. M., Gebremeskel, T. K., Mahmud, M. A., &

Degene, T. A. (2025). The wartime prevalence of HIV, HBV, and reported STI-related syndromes among tested individuals in Ayder Comprehensive Specialized Hospital, Tigray, Ethiopia. BMC Infectious Diseases, 25(1), 743.

The Guardian. (2025, July 31). Mass rape, forced pregnancy, sexual torture: UN

details war crimes in Ethiopia’s Tigray region. https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2025/jul/31/

UNFPA. (2022). State of maternal health services in conflict zones of

Ethiopia. https://www.unfpa.org

UNICEF. (2023). Gender and displacement in Ethiopia: The impact on women and

girls in Tigray. https://www.unicef.org

 

ውዳበ ብሔረ ኣግኣዚ –ውብኣ

 

Prepared by Agaezi Women Association (AWA) &  

ANU Global Diplomatic Leadership

Agaezi National Union -ANU Women (AWA) &

ANU Global Diplomatic Leadership

July 2025

Office of HeadQuarters: Geneva International