Established Facts and ANU Perspectives

Mr. Tsadkan Gebretensae has repeatedly argued that his long political struggle within the Tigray People’s Liberation Front(TPLF) was justified and undertaken with full awareness of its ideological and political objectives. According to this perspective, he maintains that many of the principles that shaped Ethiopia’s current federal arrangement remain valid. Critics of the TPLF often characterize the Ethiopian constitution and the system of ethnic federalism as being heavily influenced by TPLF ideology, arguing that it institutionalized political organization along ethnic and linguistic lines and contributed to divisions among Ethiopia’s various communities.

Tsadkan has also been described as someone who retains sympathy for elements of Marxist-Leninist political thought, which historically influenced the TPLF during its formative years. Observers point to his continued association with symbols and narratives connected to the movement’s revolutionary origins, including the continued prominence of the TPLF flag among some groups operating in Tigray and neighboring areas. Critics argue that this demonstrates continuity with the organization’s historical political vision rather than a departure from it.

On the question of Eritrea, Tsadkan has reportedly maintained that the separation of Eritrea from Ethiopia was both lawful and historically justified. This position aligns with the view that Eritrean independence reflected the outcome of a long political and military struggle and was ultimately confirmed through an internationally recognized referendum. Opponents of this position, however, argue that Eritrea’s secession weakened Ethiopia strategically and contributed to later conflicts between the two countries.

Furthermore, Tsadkan has spoken about the concept of Tigrayan self-rule and political sovereignty. Critics interpret some of these statements as emphasizing a distinct political identity for Tigray that goes beyond ordinary regional autonomy within the Ethiopian federation. Supporters, on the other hand, argue that such positions are intended to defend constitutional federalism and regional rights rather than advocate outright independence.

Many observers note that several of these positions appear similar to those associated with the faction of the TPLF leadership based in Mekelle, particularly the group historically associated with Debretsion Gebremichael and the legacy of Sebhat Nega. This raises a political question frequently asked by critics: if both camps share similar views on ethnic federalism, Tigrayan political rights, the legacy of the TPLF, and Eritrea’s independence, what substantive differences separate them?

Analysts generally point to differences in strategy, alliances, and approaches to governance rather than fundamental ideological disagreements. Some argue that the divisions concern how to engage with the federal government, how to navigate relations with Eritrea, and how to rebuild Tigray after years of devastating conflict. Others believe the split reflects competition over leadership, political influence, and the future direction of Tigrayan politics.

The question of why certain Tigrayan political figures have at times cooperated with the ruling Prosperity Party (PP) or pursued dialogue with Eritrean actors remains highly contested. Supporters of such engagement argue that pragmatic cooperation is necessary to achieve stability, reconstruction, and security. Critics contend that these relationships have failed to adequately protect Tigrayan interests and have left ordinary people caught between competing political and military pressures from Addis Ababa, Mekelle, and Asmara.

Ultimately, the debate reflects deeper disagreements about the future of Tigray, the nature of Ethiopian federalism, relations with Eritrea, and the legacy of the TPLF itself. Different political actors often claim to be defending the interests of the Tigrayan people, yet they propose very different strategies for achieving security, autonomy, peace, and political influence in the Horn of Africa.

Critics of General Tsadkan Gebretensae have also raised a series of allegations concerning his economic interests, political influence, and conduct during the Northern Ethiopia conflict. These allegations remain subjects of political controversy and should be distinguished from independently established facts.

Among the claims advanced by some critics are assertions that Tsadkan and members of his family have accumulated significant business interests in Ethiopia and abroad, including alleged investments in major companies, banking institutions, manufacturing enterprises, agricultural landholdings, and real estate assets. Critics further allege connections to business networks historically associated with the EFFORT conglomerate and individuals linked to the former TPLF leadership structure. Supporters and defenders of Tsadkan have disputed or challenged various aspects of these accusations, and many of the specific claims require independent verification through publicly available evidence and official records.

Critics have also argued that senior political and military leaders from all sides of the Northern Ethiopia conflict should be subject to independent investigation regarding decisions that contributed to the immense human suffering experienced during the war. Human rights organizations, international institutions, and researchers have documented widespread civilian casualties, displacement, and humanitarian consequences arising from the conflict. However, assigning direct legal responsibility for specific casualty figures to any individual requires evidence-based investigation and due process rather than political accusation alone.

Some opponents further allege that political assassinations and targeted actions against civilian officials occurred during the conflict and claim that responsibility extends to senior commanders and political leaders. Such allegations are extremely serious and would require credible documentary evidence, witness testimony, judicial findings, or independent investigations before they can be presented as established facts.

From the perspective of critics, these allegations reinforce broader concerns regarding accountability, political power, wartime decision-making, and the concentration of economic influence among former liberation-era elites. From the perspective of supporters, however, many of these accusations are viewed as politically motivated claims advanced by rivals in the highly polarized environment that emerged after the war.

As a result, the debate over Tsadkan’s legacy extends beyond ideology and constitutional questions to include broader disputes about wartime accountability, economic power, political leadership, and the future governance of Tigray and Ethiopia as a whole.

More specifically, Mr. Tsadkan owns big corporations such as the safaricom in Ethiopia (in the name of his daughter, Semira Tsadkan with 2.6 billion investment starting 2021), Lion International Bank, Raya Beer Factory, owns more than 60, 000 hectares arable land in Raya Alamata area, building in Mekelle, Addis Ababa, America (that rents more than 25,000 US dollars per month), and shares incomes from the EFFORT Corporations mainly owned by Sebhat Nega family and Dawit Gebreziher Nega , brother of Fetlework Gebreziher Nega (Monjorino). Tsadkan is accountable for the loss of more than 1.5 million innocent lives during this 2021-2022 civil war in northern Ethiopia as well. In addition, while he was in the bush during 2021, he ordered a number of civil servants to be targeted and assassinated.

These Tigrayans who were allegedly killed after Tsadkan declared from the battlefield, ‘Wherever the traitors (bandas) are, assassinate and eliminate them. Tsadkan is one of the War Entrepreneurs — that should be told enough of the blood you have caused to be shed and the lives you have cut short. During the Tigray War, from 2013 E.C. (2020/21) until the signing of the Pretoria Agreement, our Tigrayan brothers who were allegedly killed after orders were circulated in the name of General Tsadkan saying: “Kill the traitors.”

Examples from the list:

1. Yemane Negus – Hiwane
2. Imbza Tadesse – Mekelle
3. Dejen Goytoom – Tahtay Koraro District
4. Teshale Ombaye – Koraro
5. Negasi Fantay – Shire
6. Mokonen Girmay – Shire
7. Guashe Fantay – Endabaguna
8. Daniel Gebremedhin – Endabaguna
9. Agrabu Mohammed – Endabaguna
10. Tedros Ketema – Endabaguna
11. Meresa Tsehuney – Endabaguna
12. Birbiraw Dereje – Endabaguna
13. Zenebe Tafera – Tselemti
14. Amosaleqa Aleqa – May Tsebri
15. Worku Adugna – May Tsebri
16. Berhe Wondim – Tselemti
17. Priest Ayenew Araya – Tselemti
18. Tsehaye Agete – Tselemti
19. Tesfay Abadi – Tselemti
20. Haweni Alemayehu – Tselemti
21. Ambachew W/Mariam – Tselemti
22. Birhaney Hidegeley – Tselemti
23. Birhaney Atsbeha – Tselemti
24. Beyene Atalay – Tselemti
25. Getahun Tadesse – Tselemti
26. Liqodimos Woldeabzgi – Tahtay Maychew
27. Goytoom Meresa – Tahtay Maychew
28. Fisseha Girmay – Enticho
29. Fisseha Berhe – Enticho
30. Tsegay Dangish – Enticho
31. Yahya Mohammed – Enticho
32. Tadiyos – Enticho
33. Gebrehier Gebreselassie – Enticho
34. Zeray Gebreselassie – Ahferom
35. Dawit Zeru – Adigrat
36. Aregawi Seged – Wukro
37. Teacher Rezene – Agulae
38. Nasredin Basha Yihmed – Laelay Koraro District, Selekleka Kebele
39. Teacher Sultan Wahabey – Selekleka
40. Kahsay Hailu (Kahsay Alaje) – Maychew
41. Hailemariam Kalaayu – Maychew
42. Mohammed Jewar – Gijet
43. Alem Reda – Tahtay Adiyabo
44. Gebretsadiq Leake – Degua Tembien
45. Haile Amday – Degua Tembien
46. Hirit Gebremedhin – Degua Tembien
47. Atakilti Gebreyohannes – Degua Tembien
48. Teacher Andom Kidanemariam – Degua Tembien
49. Teacher Yeshiwas Fikremariam – Degua Tembien
50. Kidanemariam Girmay – Degua Tembien
51. Gebremikael Abadi – Degua Tembien
52. Kidu Wolay – Rama Town
53. Kahsay (Hohoma Hotel) – Adigrat
54. Mensur Desalegn – Gijet
55. Teacher Haile Kealom – Gijet
56. Musa Kedir – Gijey
57. Getachew Yemane – Gijet
58. Hashim Tuum – Gijet
59. Teacher Redai – Wajerat, Isra Adi
60. Tebeje Dibelo – Alamata
61. Mehari Hamba – Mechare
62. Baro Haleka – Mechare
63. Tesfay Hadera – Machare
64. Getachew Tebeje – Chercher
65. Priest Guash – Zana
66. Jemal Tuum – Zana
67. Negasi Tesfay – Selekleka
68. Ambesa Fis – Selekleka
69. Guash Gebreselassie – Asgede
70. Miesho Meresa – Kisad Gaba
71. Siyum Hagos – Dedebit
72. Negasi Kidane – Zelazle
73. Desta – Zelazle
74. Priest Kiros Abera – Mokhoni
75. Engineer Fikadu Hailemariam – Maykinetal
76. Mulay Desale – Maykinetal
77. Ephrem Desta – Maykinetal
78. Mohammed Negus – Maykinetal
79. Hadera Yihdego – Maykinetal
80. Birhane Wolay – Sheraro
81. Yonas Tsegay – Alleged assassination attempt (survived after medical treatment), Hawelti, Mekelle
82. Omer – Allegedly killed in a market after being accused of supporting change
83. Araya Tsegay – Asgede

84, 85, 86, etc. — many more names continue to emerge. In addition to this , Tsadkan also rejected negotiation before the Pretoria agreement and due to his arrogance more than 85, 000 Tigray Defense Forces (TDF) around Debresina area were bombarded by modern drones and sophisticated technologies of this century. 

One day, General Tsadkan, together with his associates in the TPLF and those who cooperated with Prosperity Party networks, will be brought before justice. General Tsadkan and Getachew Reda will not be able to remain hidden behind Abiy Ahmed forever.

Now, all of you who praise General Tsadkan and call him “our lord” and “our elder” because of the personal benefits you receive through the Qirshi project have no moral standing even to ask a single question. You were among the number one sponsors of the 2013 E.C. war. Not every fighter has a short memory. Enough of the lives lost and the blood spilled because of TPLF higher commanders and high level leaders’ dirty triangular politics based in Mekelle, Asmera and Addis Ababa. People such as Tsadkan, Getachew Reda, and their collaborators should be called War Entrepreneurs similar to those creating alliance with the genocider Sheabia mafia regime in Asmera such as Debretsion and Monjorno of Sebhat Nega brutally corrupted and criminal network since 5 decades.

What about the Prosperity Party and the government? Why have they not documented this assassination and elimination by Tsadkan, which are more than 83 listed above? Why have they not made it a public agenda? Why have they not honored the sacrifices and suffering of these people? Why have they remained silent while the children and families of those who served Prosperity were stigmatized as traitors, excluded from schools, denied assistance, left hungry, tortured, assassinated and forced to suffer?

Why has the Prosperity government and party not remembered, recognized, educated about, defended the rights of, and honored the families of its workers and supporters who were allegedly killed, imprisoned, persecuted, or made to suffer because of these events? Why has it refused to make this an agenda? What conspiracy and political maneuvering lies behind this? But at the proper time, necessary action will be taken. The blood of our brothers will not be forgotten. 

Kibrom Zebib Sibhatleab of Baitona Party, Amdom Gebreslasie — of Arena Party, Kebede Assefa of Enderta party, Solomon Tukue of Welodo party, how can you give leadership responsibility to Tsadkan, that ordered the killing of innocent Tigrayans who once worked with you? Especially Amdom, it was never expected of you. In Tigray, Arena was once considered the better political party. What has happened now? Respected Amdom, a man with a great history, we hope you will correct this situation before your party’s name and your own reputation are damaged by association with TPLF Tsadkan, a criminal mafia accountable for the loss of three generations precious lives and destruction of shared geez values, heritages and culture in ancient civilizational state of Ethiopia with its Red Sea. 

ANU Perspectives

   From the perspective of the Agaezi National Union (ANU) and proponents of a broader Ge’ez civilizational political framework, the debate surrounding General Tsadkan Gebretensae, the TPLF leadership in Mekelle, and their historical ideological foundations requires a deeper examination that goes beyond contemporary political rivalries. While differences in leadership style, political alliances, and tactical approaches may exist between various factions, ANU thinkers often argue that these disagreements do not necessarily represent a fundamental departure from the ideological assumptions that have shaped Tigrayan politics for decades.

According to this critique, both General Tsadkan Gebretensae and the dominant TPLF leadership have remained largely committed to a political paradigm rooted in revolutionary nationalism, ethnic federalism, and the historical narratives developed during the armed struggle against the Derg regime. Although internal disagreements have emerged regarding governance, military strategy, relations with the federal government, and engagement with Eritrea, critics within the Ge’ez civilizational school contend that these disputes occur within the same ideological framework rather than representing competing civilizational visions for the future of the region.

The Agaezi National Union advances an alternative interpretation of history and statehood. Rather than emphasizing ethnicity as the primary basis of political organization, ANU advocates the revival of a shared Ge’ez civilizational identity that predates modern ethnic politics and connects the peoples of northern Ethiopia and Eritrea through common historical, cultural, linguistic, and spiritual foundations. In this view, the historical communities that emerged from the Aksumite and post-Aksumite traditions constitute a broader civilizational space whose continuity has been weakened by modern political divisions and competing nationalist projects.

Supporters of this perspective argue that the introduction of ethnic federalism institutionalized political competition based on ethnic identity and territorial claims, thereby encouraging fragmentation rather than cooperation among historically interconnected communities. They contend that political movements across Ethiopia, including the TPLF and its opponents, have often remained trapped within frameworks that prioritize ethnicity over civilization, state-building, and shared historical heritage.

Within this critique, General Tsadkan’s continued defense of certain foundational principles associated with the TPLF is interpreted as evidence that he remains connected to the broader intellectual legacy of the movement despite tactical disagreements with particular leaders. The continued acceptance of ethnic federalism, support for Eritrea’s independence as a settled political reality, and emphasis on regional sovereignty are viewed by ANU proponents as positions that ultimately derive from the same political tradition that shaped the TPLF’s historical worldview.

At the same time, advocates of the Ge’ez civilizational framework do not necessarily deny the legitimacy of regional self-administration or the cultural rights of distinct communities. Rather, they argue that political arrangements should be built upon a higher level of civilizational integration that recognizes centuries of shared history among Tigrayans, Eritreans, Amhara, Gurage, Agaw peoples, and other communities connected to the Ge’ez heritage. According to this argument, sustainable peace and stability require moving beyond narratives that define political identity primarily through ethnic boundaries.

From the ANU perspective, one of the central tragedies of contemporary politics in the Horn of Africa is that ordinary people often find themselves trapped between competing political elites, military actors, and geopolitical interests. Whether conflicts involve the federal government in Addis Ababa, political authorities in Mekelle, or the government in Asmara, it is frequently civilians who bear the greatest burden through displacement, economic hardship, insecurity, and social fragmentation.

The Ge’ez civilizational approach therefore calls for a re-examination of the assumptions that have guided political discourse since the late twentieth century. It proposes replacing ethnic competition with civilizational cooperation, revolutionary ideology with historical continuity, and political fragmentation with long-term regional integration rooted in shared heritage. In this framework, the future of Tigray, Eritrea, and the broader northern Horn of Africa should not be determined solely by the legacy of past liberation movements or contemporary political rivalries, but by a renewed commitment to the cultural and historical bonds that connect the peoples of the region.

Viewed through this lens, the question is not simply whether General Tsadkan Gebretensae differs from the current TPLF leadership, but whether either side offers a fundamentally new political paradigm capable of addressing the deeper structural challenges facing the region. ANU proponents argue that genuine transformation will require moving beyond the ideological assumptions shared by competing factions and toward a political vision grounded in Ge’ez civilization, historical continuity, cultural integration, and the pursuit of a common future for the peoples of the northern Horn of Africa.

Agaezi National Union (ANU): A Vision for National Renewal, Ge’ez Civilization, and Democratic Transformation

• Introduction: The Agaezi National Union (ANU) is a new, pragmatic, visionary, and energetic political movement dedicated to restoring the historical values, civilizational heritage, and strategic interests of Ethiopia and the broader Ge’ez world. ANU believes that Ethiopia’s future should be built upon unity, justice, prosperity, historical continuity, democratic governance, and peaceful coexistence among all peoples.
• Our mission is not to create new divisions but to help build a stronger, more united nation founded upon the enduring principles of the Aksumite and Ge’ez civilizations: dignity, courage, inclusiveness, statehood, cultural achievement, and regional cooperation.
• The Challenge: ANU believes that many of Ethiopia’s contemporary political crises stem from decades of political polarization, ethnic competition, weak institutions, historical grievances, and governance failures. These challenges have affected all communities and have contributed to conflict, displacement, economic hardship, and social fragmentation.
• We believe that no political organization, government, armed movement, or elite group should be above accountability. Ethiopia’s future must be determined by its citizens through democratic institutions rather than through coercion, violence, or ethnic mobilization.

ANU’s Strategic Framework

1. Restore a Shared National and Civilizational Identity

ANU promotes a Ge’ez civilizational framework that recognizes the deep historical connections among the peoples of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.

This vision seeks to:

• Strengthen national unity while respecting cultural diversity.
• Promote a common historical consciousness rooted in Ethiopia’s ancient civilizations.
• Encourage cooperation across ethnic, religious, and regional lines.
• Revive civic patriotism and national responsibility.

 

2. Constitutional Reform and Democratic Renewal

ANU supports a comprehensive national dialogue regarding Ethiopia’s constitutional future.

This process should:

• Be inclusive of all regions and communities.
• Strengthen democratic institutions.
• Guarantee individual rights and freedoms.
• Promote accountability and equal citizenship.
• Create mechanisms that reduce political polarization and conflict.

Any constitutional reform should emerge through democratic consultation and public participation rather than political imposition.

3. Justice, Accountability, and National Reconciliation

Sustainable peace requires both truth and justice.

ANU advocates:

• Independent investigations into alleged war crimes and human rights abuses committed by all parties.
• Transitional justice mechanisms consistent with international legal standards.
• Support for victims and affected communities.
• National reconciliation initiatives that encourage healing and coexistence.

Justice should be based on evidence, due process, and the rule of law.

4. Defend Truth and Counter Misinformation

A healthy democracy requires informed citizens.

ANU supports:

• Independent journalism.
• Academic research and historical scholarship.
• Freedom of expression.
• Fact-based public discourse.
• Digital literacy programs to combat misinformation and propaganda.

Citizens deserve access to accurate information regardless of political affiliation.

5. Civic Mobilization and Nonviolent Political Action

ANU is committed to peaceful democratic change.

We encourage:

• Civic participation.
• Peaceful advocacy.
• Public debate.
• Community engagement.
• Youth leadership.
• Diaspora involvement in national development.

History demonstrates that lasting political change is most successful when it is rooted in popular participation and nonviolent civic action.

6. Build Broad National Coalitions

ANU rejects politics based on hatred or collective blame.

We seek partnerships with:

• Democratic political movements.
• Civil society organizations.
• Religious institutions.
• Community leaders.
• Reform-minded citizens from all regions.

The future of Ethiopia requires cooperation rather than permanent political confrontation.

7. Strategic National Interests

ANU believes Ethiopia should pursue policies that strengthen:

• Economic development.
• National security.
• Regional stability.
• Access to international trade.
• Peaceful relations with neighboring countries.

Questions concerning regional integration, economic corridors, maritime access, and historical relationships should be addressed through diplomacy, negotiation, and mutually beneficial cooperation.

Our Commitment

Together, we make a visible and great difference.ANU’s struggle is not against any ethnic group, language, religion, or community.

Our struggle is for:

• Democracy.
• Justice.
• Accountability.
• National unity.
• Economic prosperity.
• Cultural renewal.
• Ge’ez civilizational revival.

We believe Ethiopia’s future can be built upon both its ancient heritage and modern democratic principles.

The objective is not merely to overcome the mistakes of the past, but to create a better future where all citizens can live in freedom, dignity, security, and opportunity.

Seek something better, and a better way shall be found.

REQUEST FOR ACCOUNTABILITY, JUSTICE, AND FAIR COMPENSATION FOR THE LIVES LOST DURING THE NORTHERN ETHIOPIA WAR (Tigray, Amhara, and Afar)

Statement of Principle

The Agaezi National Union (ANU) calls for truth, accountability, justice, reconciliation, and fair compensation for all innocent civilians who lost their lives, livelihoods, properties, and futures during the devastating Northern Ethiopia War that affected the peoples of Tigray, Amhara, and Afar.

The conflict resulted in immense human suffering, including loss of life, displacement, destruction of infrastructure, economic devastation, family separation, and long-term social trauma. Thousands of families continue to live with the consequences of war, while many victims have yet to receive recognition, support, or justice.

ANU firmly believes that lasting peace cannot be built upon silence, denial, selective justice, or political expediency. Sustainable peace requires truth, accountability, and equal respect for the dignity and rights of all victims regardless of ethnicity, religion, political affiliation, or geographic location.

Our Demands

1. Independent Investigation

We call for the establishment of an independent and internationally credible commission to investigate:

• Violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law committed by all parties to the conflict.
• Allegations of war crimes, crimes against humanity, extrajudicial killings, political assassinations, enforced disappearances, torture, and unlawful detention.
• The destruction of civilian infrastructure, homes, schools, hospitals, religious institutions, and businesses.
• The economic and political actors who may have benefited from the continuation of the conflict.

2. Accountability for All Perpetrators

No individual, military commander, political leader, government official, or armed group should be above the law.

ANU calls for impartial legal proceedings against any person found responsible for serious crimes during the conflict based on credible evidence and due process. Accountability must apply equally to all actors regardless of their political position or affiliation.

3. Truth and Documentation

We call for a comprehensive national truth-recording process to document:

• Civilian deaths and injuries.
• Missing persons and enforced disappearances.
• Cases of political persecution.
• Property destruction and economic losses.
• The experiences of survivors and affected communities.

Every victim deserves recognition, and every family deserves to know the truth.

4. Fair Compensation and Reparations

Families of those killed, injured, displaced, imprisoned, or otherwise harmed by the conflict should receive fair and transparent compensation.

Compensation mechanisms should include:

• Financial support for families of deceased civilians.
• Assistance for injured and disabled survivors.
• Educational support for orphaned children.
• Housing and reconstruction assistance.
• Restoration of confiscated or destroyed property where possible.
• Psychological and social support services.

5. National Reconciliation

Justice and reconciliation must proceed together.

ANU supports a national reconciliation process that promotes:

• Truth-telling.
• Community healing.
• Recognition of victims.
• Mutual respect among Ethiopia’s diverse peoples.
• Guarantees against future political violence.

6. Institutional Reform

To prevent future conflicts, Ethiopia must strengthen:

• Rule of law.
• Judicial independence.
• Democratic accountability.
• Human rights protections.
• Constitutional governance.
• Civilian oversight of security institutions.

Equal Recognition of All Victims

ANU recognizes the suffering endured by civilians in Tigray, Amhara, and Afar and rejects any attempt to rank, politicize, or selectively acknowledge victims.

Every innocent life matters. 

Every family deserves justice. 

Every community deserves peace.

Peace is the root for sustainable development!!

Conclusion

The Northern Ethiopia War left deep wounds across the nation. The path toward genuine peace requires courage to confront the truth, commitment to justice, and compassion for those who suffered.

ANU therefore calls upon the Government of Ethiopia, regional authorities, political organizations, civil society institutions, the African Union, the United Nations, and the international community to support a comprehensive process of accountability, justice, reparations, and reconciliation.

The memory of the victims must be honored, the rights of survivors must be protected, and future generations must be safeguarded from repeating the tragedies of war.

Justice for the Habehsa Ethiopian Victims.

Truth for the Greater Geez Nation.

Compensation for the Families.

Peace for Ethiopia.

Sustainable development for the Greater Horn of Africa!

Agaezi National Union (ANU)

Global Supreme Leadership 

Head Quarter Office

www.anu-party.org

24 June 2026